Google

  • February 22, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The White House appears to being moving closer to revealing a strategy for addressing rising concerns over privacy breaches in cyberspace.

    Politico reports that a White House event tomorrow is “likely to set the stage for the public unveiling of the administration’s highly anticipated white paper on online privacy, which has been more than a year in the making. The white paper is expected to call for a consumer privacy bill of rights from Congress, while charging the industry to police itself under the watch of federal regulators.”

    Some commentators suggest that the administration’s policy is likely influenced, in part, by the work of the Commerce Department’s Internet Policy Task Force, which issued a green paper after a year-long review “that included extensive consultations with commercial, civil society, governmental and academic stakeholders ….”

    The paper’s forward asserts that protections of consumers’ privacy “are crucial to maintaining the consumer trust that nurtures the Internet’s growth.”

    The potential release of the administration’s plans to address privacy concerns comes admist reporting by The Wall Street Journal that the Internet advertising giant, Google, had bypassed “the privacy settings of millions of people using” Apple’s Web browser, Safari, apparently allowing Google to track “the Web-browsing habits of people who intended for that kind of monitoring to be blocked.”

  • November 23, 2011

    by Jonathan Arogeti

    Envision OpenPlanet, a hypothetical program that could patch together every surveillance camera in the world and pair it with Facebook’s facial recognition software to create a perpetual video timeline database for each Facebook user. Would this violate the Fourth Amendment as an unreasonable search and seizure?

    This question, posed by George Washington University law professor Jeffrey Rosen, represents the crux of the issue explored at a recent forum at American University Washington College of Law titled, “Social Technology and the Threat to Privacy: How Facebook, GPS & Google Are Changing Our Lives.” Click here for video.

    Rosen links this question to the 2006 firing of Stacy Snyder, a Pennsylvania woman who was allegedly fired from her teacher training program after a MySpace picture showed her wearing a pirate hat and drinking from a plastic cup with the caption “Drunken Pirate.” Snyder sued in federal court that the picture was protected speech, but the judge disagreed because it “didn’t relate to matters of public concern.”

    Rosen points to law and technology as mechanisms for dealing with this “Stacy Snyder problem.” Europeans are experimenting with le droit a l’oubli, or the right to oblivion, as a mechanism to force online companies to protect the privacy of its customers. Technology, too, can secure customer privacy, and he points to a company that erases text messages after a specific period of time designated by the user.

  • October 3, 2011
    Guest Post

    Editor’s Note: This is the second post in an ACSblog debate on antitrust scrutiny of Google between Harvard Business School Professor Benjamin G. Edelman and George Mason University School of Law Professor Joshua D. Wright. This online debate follows a recent U.S. Senate hearing on whether Google’s business practices “serve consumers” or “threaten competition.”


    By Joshua D. Wright, Professor of Law, George Mason University School of Law


    The theoretical antitrust case against Google reflects a troubling disconnect between the state of our technology and the state of our antitrust economics.  Google’s is a 2011 high tech market being condemned by 1960s economics.  Of primary concern (although there are a lot of things to be concerned about, and my paper with Geoffrey Manne, “If Search Neutrality Is the Answer, What’s the Question?,” canvasses the problems in much more detail) is the treatment of so-called search bias (whereby Google’s ownership and alleged preference for its own content relative to rivals’ is claimed to be anticompetitive) and the outsized importance given to complaints by competitors and individual web pages rather than consumer welfare in condemning this bias.

    The recent political theater in the Senate’s hearings on Google displayed these problems prominently, with the first half of the hearing dedicated to Senators questioning Google’s Eric Schmidt about search bias and the second half dedicated to testimony from and about competitors and individual websites allegedly harmed by Google.  Very little, if any, attention was paid to the underlying economics of search technology, consumer preferences, and the ultimate impact of differentiation in search rankings upon consumers.

    So what is the alleged problem?  Well, in the first place, the claim is that there is bias.  Proving that bias exists -- that Google favors its own maps over MapQuest’s, for example -- would be a necessary precondition for proving that the conduct causes anticompetitive harm, but let us be clear that the existence of bias alone is not sufficient to show competitive harm, nor is it even particularly interesting, at least viewed through the lens of modern antitrust economics.

    In fact, economists have known for a very long time that favoring one’s own content -- a form of “vertical” arrangement whereby the firm produces (and favors) both a product and one of its inputs -- is generally procompetitive.  Vertically integrated firms may “bias” their own content in ways that increase output, just as other firms may do so by arrangement with others.  Economists since Nobel Laureate Ronald Coase have known -- and have been reminded by Klein, Crawford & Alchian, as well as Nobel Laureate Oliver Williamson and many others -- that firms may achieve by contract anything they could do within the boundaries of the firm.  The point is that, in the economics literature, it is well known that self-promotion in a vertical relationship can be either efficient or anticompetitive depending on the circumstances of the situation.  It is never presumptively problematic.  In fact, the empirical literature suggests that such relationships are almost always procompetitive and that restrictions imposed upon the abilities of firms to enter them generally reduce consumer welfare.  Procompetitive vertical integration is the rule; the rare exception (and the exception relevant to antitrust analysis) is the use of vertical arrangements to harm not just individual competitors, but competition, thus reducing consumer welfare.

  • October 3, 2011
    Guest Post

    Editor’s Note: This is the first post in an ACSblog debate on antitrust scrutiny of Google between Harvard Business School Professor Benjamin G. Edelman and George Mason University School of Law Professor Joshua D. Wright. This online debate follows a recent U.S. Senate hearing on whether Google’s business practices “serve consumers” or “threaten competition.”


    By Benjamin G. Edelman, Assistant Professor, Harvard Business School


    The Senate Antitrust Subcommittee recently held a hearing to investigate persistent allegations of Google abusing its market power.  Witnesses Jeff Katz (CEO of Nextag) and Jeremy Stoppelman (CEO of Yelp) demonstrated Google giving its own services an advantage other sites cannot match.  For example, when a user searches for products for possible purchase, Google presents the user with Google Product Search links front-and-center, a premium placement no other product search service can obtain.  Furthermore, Google Product Search shows prices and images, where competitors get just text links.  Meanwhile, a user searching for restaurants, hotels, or other local merchants sees Google Places results with similar prominence, pushing other information services to locations users are unlikely to notice.  In antitrust parlance, this is tying: A user who wants only Google Search, but not Google’s other services, will be disappointed.  Instead, any user who wants Google Search is forced to receive Google’s other services too.  Google’s approach also forecloses competition: Other sites cannot compete on their merits for a substantial portion of the market – consumers who use Google to find information – because Google has kept those consumers for itself.

    But Google’s antitrust problems extend beyond tying Google’s ancillary services.  Consider advertisers buying placements from Google.  Google controls 75% of U.S. PC search traffic and more than 90% in many countries.  As a result, advertisers are compelled to accept whatever terms Google chooses to impose.  For example, an advertiser seeking placement through Google’s premium Search Network partners (like AOL and The New York Times) must also accept placement through the entire Google Search Network which includes all manner of typosquatting sites, adware, and pop-up ads, among other undesirable placements.  While these bogus ad placements defraud and overcharge advertisers, Google’s U.S. Advertising Program Terms offer remarkable defenses: these terms purport to let Google place ads “on any content or property provided by Google ... or ... provided by a third party upon which Google places ads” (clause 2.(y)-(z)) -- a circular “definition” that sounds more like a Dr. Seuss tale than an official contract.  Even Google's dispute resolution provisions are one-sided: An unsatisfied advertiser must complain to Google by “first class mail or air mail or overnight courier” with a copy by “confirmed facsimile.” (Despite my best efforts, I still don't know how a “confirmed” facsimile differs from a regular fax.)  Meanwhile, Google may send messages to an advertiser merely by “sending an email to the email address specified in [the advertiser's] account” (clause 9).  This hardly looks like a contract fairly negotiated among equals.  Quite the contrary, Google has all the power and is using it to the utmost.

  • March 15, 2011
    The cyberspace advertising and search engine behemoth Google is increasingly drawing the attention of Congress.

    As noted by The Wall Street Journal, Sen. Herb Kohl, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Antitrust Subcommittee "may hold hearings on Google this legislative session to examine whether the company is abusing its dominance in the Internet search market."

    In a press release, Kohl lays out the agenda for the subcommittee's work during this congressional session, including an examination of "Competition in Online Markets/Internet Search Issues."

    The statement continues:

    In recent years, the dominance over Internet search of the world's largest search engine, Google, has increased and Google has increasingly sought to acquire e-commerce sites in myriad businesses. In this regard, we will closely examine allegations raised by e-commerce websites that compete with Google that they are being treated unfairly in search ranking, and in their ability to purchase search advertising. We also will continue to closely examine the impact of further acquisitions in this sector.

    Google is already facing official scrutiny over its search-engine tactics in Europe.

    The New York Times reported in February that the European Commission "began a formal antitrust investigation of Google three months ago looking for evidence that Google had the power to shut out competition and restrict advertisers from doing business with other search engines."