Filibusters

  • June 14, 2011

    The incoming White House counsel has signaled that the Obama administration will continue to make “filling empty judge seats” a “top priority,” writes Jennifer Bendery for The Huffington Post.

    Citing a speech from the current White House Counsel Robert F. Bauer (pictured) given earlier this year at an ACS event on “Judicial Nominations in 2011,” Bendery described Bauer’s rhetoric as being “deliberately over the top,” to send a sharp message that the administration “regards vacancies on the court as a threat to its agenda.”

    Bauer’s comments sounded, at the time, more earnest and urgent than over-the-top. He noted at the February event that too many of the president’s judicial nominations have been “left to languish on the floor … without a vote.” He said that the ongoing delays and obstruction of the president’s judicial selections were indeed a serious matter.

    “Chief Justice Rehnquist quite rightly pointed to the grave loss in the quality of justice when we don’t have enough judges for the cases to be decided. And it is a loss in the quality of justice when this very proposition – the proposition that we urgently need judges to have effective, responsive justice – draws a limited or intermittently attentive audience,” Bauer said.

    Bauer’s speech preceded a panel discussion focusing on the rising vacancies on the federal bench, and the unprecedented obstruction of the president’s judicial nominations. A transcript of Bauer’s comments is available here. Video of his speech and the panel discussion are available here.   

    Bauer will leave his position later this month, and will be replaced by Kathryn Ruemmler. In a statement to The Huffington Post, Ruemmler said, “Given the urgency of the judicial vacancy crisis, the president believes we must all move swiftly to address the situation.”

    There are currently 91 vacancies on the federal bench, with 36 of them declared “judicial emergencies,” by the Administrative Office of the United States Courts. See JudicialNominations.org for updates and more information about the crisis facing the federal courts. 

  • May 31, 2011

    The successful filibuster of Goodwin Liu’s nomination to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit represents an “enormous step backward,” for the judicial confirmations process that will take extraordinary action to reverse, writes Professor Richard W. Painter for the Star-Telegram.

    Painter, who served as the chief White House ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush, writes for the Fort Worth, Texas daily, that during his years in the White House, senators had filibustered some of Bush’s appellate court nominees, and that he saw “firsthand the damage that Senate filibusters do to the judicial selection process, and the hardships they impost on nominees and their families.”

    But, Painter said consensus began to build among lawmakers and voters that “filibusters were undemocratic and that senators had an obligation to vote and to allow their colleagues to vote.” Painter notes a “well-researched and well-argued law review article” by Sen. John Cornyn on filibusters of judicial selections. (Painter provides a link to that law review at the Legal Ethics Forum blog.)

    In the 2004 law review piece, as Painter notes, Cornyn wrote:

    Wasteful and unnecessary delay in the process of selecting judges hurts our justice system and harms all Americans. It is intolerable no matter who occupies the White House and no matter which party is the majority party in the Senate. … Filibusters are by far the most virulent form of delay imaginable.

    Cornyn’s words, however, were forgotten in the case of Liu. As Painter notes Cornyn along with nearly all the Senate’s Republicans voted to block the nomination.

    Painter writes that Bush had taken leadership on the matter during his presidency by “clearly stating that filibusters are wrong no matter which party is in the White House,” and that Republicans should follow his example, and not just with words.

    He concludes:

    To make that point clear, a Republican president could nominate and send to the Senate for confirmation Goodwin Liu and any other nominee who was filibustered during the past two administrations. And the president should demand an up or down vote. Period – no exceptions.

    Visit JudicialNominations.org to get the latest news and commentary on the judicial nominations process.

  • January 27, 2011
    Senate leaders Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell announced earlier today a "bipartisan agreement" they claimed would remove some tactics used to slow work in the Senate.

    The Huffington Post's Sam Stein described the agreement as "a set of relatively small changes in to the upper chamber's rules, including an informal pact to reduce the number of filibusters in exchange for allowing more amendments from the minority party."

    According to The Washington Post the agreement "left intact the essential concept of the minority's right to block some legislation by requiring a 60-vote threshold through a threatened filibuster."

    The newspaper reported that the leaders did agree "to repeal the decades-old stalling tactics of secret holds, in which an anonymous senator could slow action on a bill, and the ability to force amendments to be read in their entirety on the floor."

    Stein concluded that the agreement "falls well short of what rules-reform advocates had sought." Stein notes the more far-reaching reforms proposed by Sens. Tom Harkin (pictured), Tom Udall, and Jeff Merkley. Some of those reforms included requiring a certain number of senators to be present on the floor in order to sustain a filibuster.

    The New York Times in a recent editorial called on the Senate Democrats to adopt reforms advanced by those senators, saying the Senate had a "rare opportunity to reduce the abuse of the filibuster and increase the chances that the people's work actually gets done. Instead, they are close to an agreement on a watered-down package of changes that will have only a modest effect on the chamber's gridlock."

    The editorial continued:

    A group of Democratic senators - led by Tom Udall of New Mexico and Jeff Merkley of Oregon - came up with a reasonable proposal to reduce this practice [requiring a 60 votes for most Senate action] while preserving the minority's right to wage a fight. It would require 10 senators to start a filibuster and then speak continuously on the floor to keep it going. If an issue is important enough to block, then senators should be willing to work for it and explain themselves to the public.

    An array of public-interest groups had also urged the Senate to adopt the reforms advanced by Sens. Harkin, Udall and Merkley.

    ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson noted the increasing delays in confirming judicial selections in urging the Senate to pass comprehensive rules reform.

    "Our nation cannot afford the continuing delay and obstruction of votes on judges and other nominees critical to running our government that has plagued the Senate," Fredrickson said in a statement issued by Fix The Senate Now. "The token number of confirmations offered at the end of the recent lame duck session is less an accomplishment than evidence of how an effective government could be run. As the Chief Justice of the United States, and numerous other judges and public officials have noted, our nation depends on these positions being filled. If it requires Senate rules reform to help accomplish this and put an end to the shameless filibuster threats and anonymous holds that impede our government, then the Senate must take that on."

    Communications Workers of America (CWA), in Jan. 26 statement, said the rules were abused during the 111th Senate. CWA continued, "Reforms that would help working men and women were never allowed to come up for debate on the Senate floor. The Employee Free Choice Act, the Fair Play Act, the Dream Act, and comprehensive climate legislation, among other measures, would have made real improvements in the lives of American families, but were never discussed by the Senate. There were more than 400 bills that passed the House of Representatives that never had a hearing on the Senate floor."

     

  • January 13, 2011

    Sens. Tom Udall, Tom Harkin and Jeff Merkley introduced a rules reform package on the first day of the new congressional session that would, among other things, require continuing debate in order to maintain a filibuster, prohibit the insidious "secret holds" that enable senators to anonymously block a motion from reaching a vote, and limit the amount of debate time permitted on confirmation votes. These changes would have a direct and significant effect on senators' ability to obstruct judicial nominees.

    In conjunction with this reform package, Udall (pictured) has released an article about Senate rules reform in the Harvard Law and Policy Review, the American Constitution Society's official journal. In "The Constitutional Option: Reforming the Rules of the Senate to Restore Accountability and Reduce Gridlock," Udall provides legal and historical backing for the Senate's right, at the beginning of each new Congress, to exercise "the constitutional option" and make any changes necessary to the Senate rules by a simple majority vote. It is "unconstitutional" and "contrary to the Framers' intent" for the rules of one legislature to bind its successor, he asserts.

    "Inaction" on rules reform has a price, he writes.

    The United States Senate has become a graveyard for good ideas - increasingly crippled by the partisan abuse of the institution's own rules. Instead of being the chamber of Congress where legislation is carefully debated and serving as an ‘additional impediment . . . against improper acts of legislation,' the modern Senate too often serves as a brick wall, stifling debate rather than promoting it and disrupting important legislation and nominations for purely partisan reasons.

    In a press release issued by a coalition of public interest groups the day before the rules reform package was introduced, ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson pointed to judicial nominations specifically as a significant casualty of Senate rules abuse.

    Our nation cannot afford the continuing delay and obstruction of votes on judges and other nominees critical to running our government that has plagued the Senate. ... As the Chief Justice of the United States, and numerous other judges and public officials have noted, our nation depends on these positions being filled. If it requires Senate rules reform to help accomplish this and put an end to the shameless filibuster threats and anonymous holds that impede our government, then the Senate must take that on.

    To learn more, visit ACS's comprehensive web resource for judicial nominations, JudicialNominations.org.

  • December 23, 2010

    The Senate adjourned yesterday evening having confirmed half of the 38 judicial nominees that had been approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee, and leaving almost 100 vacant seats unfilled.

    To be considered by the new Congress, the 43 remaining nominees will have to be re-nominated by President Obama, and the 19 already approved by the Judiciary Committee will have to be vetted there again - some for the third time.

    Legal experts concerned with the record-high judicial vacancy rate pointed to the Senate rules as a primary cause, calling for immediate reform to a number of the Senate's most arcane procedural devices in an ACS press release issued yesterday.

    "The record number of vacancies on the federal bench has a serious impact on the daily lives of Americans, delaying or denying justice," said Caroline Fredrickson, executive director of the American Constitution Society. "We hope these recent confirmations signal an end to the ongoing effort by some members of the Senate to prevent judicial nominees from even receiving a vote."

    "But the underlying problem - the present state of our Senate rules - is a key factor contributing to this record-high vacancy rate by enabling senators' continuing obstruction through filibuster threats, anonymous holds and other means," she added.

    University of Minnesota law professor Richard Painter, who served as chief ethics lawyer for President George W. Bush, decried the Senate's failure to take up-or-down votes on each nominee approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee.

    "The only explanation for the delay is political gamesmanship," he said. "Many Republicans, who in the past have been on record opposing the filibuster of judicial nominees, are now impeding the functioning not only of the Senate, but also of the federal bench, which is faced with a disturbingly high number of vacancies. This is not good for the Republican Party, for future Republican judicial nominees or for our Country."

    Michael Gerhardt, a constitutional law professor at the University of North Carolina, lamented that both judicial nominees and "nominations for key government positions, including Deputy Attorney General," faced "historic opposition."

    "The obstructions of these nominations impede the functioning of both the courts and the Justice Department," Gerhardt said. "The American people deserve better from the confirmation process."

    Ezra Klein reports in The Washington Post that every Senate Democrat returning in January has signed a letter calling for filibuster reform - "not just the young senators like Jeff Merkley and Tom Udall and Michael Bennett, but the older veterans like Barbara Mikulski and Dianne Feinstein and Carl Levin." Klein notes: