Federalism

  • January 6, 2011

    Some eight months after ACS Board Member and constitutional law professor Dawn Johnsen withdrew her nomination in the face of Senate obstruction, President Barack Obama has made a second nomination for the top spot at the Department of Justice's Office of Legal Counsel.

    Virginia Seitz, a frequent ACS participant and a partner in Sidley Austin's Washington, D.C. office, was nominated yesterday for the position of Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legal Counsel. Seitz focuses on appellate litigation before the federal courts and U.S. Supreme Court, and clerked for Judge Harry T. Edwards of the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit and for Justice William J. Brennan.

    Obama also renominated James Cole for Deputy Attorney General, but Cole is already performing the job because Obama made a recess appointment in December after the Senate failed to vote on Cole's nomination, Main Justice reports. The recess appointment allows Cole to serve for up to two years without being confirmed.

    Obama's first nominee to the OLC, Johnsen, who worked in the Office of Legal Counsel during the Clinton administration, withdrew her nomination in April after a sustained Republican filibuster threat that lasted fourteen months. In June, she wrote an op-ed in The Washington Post emphasizing the urgency of filling the position with a confirmed nominee after six years in limbo.

  • December 7, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Jennifer Chang Newell, a staff attorney for the ACLU Immigrants' Rights Project. Chang Newell recently participated in an ACS panel discussion on Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting, available here.
    Oral arguments in the first legal challenge to the recent wave of state and local anti-immigrant laws to reach the Supreme Court will be held this Wednesday. The case, Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting, involves a challenge to an Arizona state law that sanctions and penalizes businesses whom the state determines has employed workers not lawfully authorized to work in the United States. The challenged law imposes a potential business "death penalty" for employers found to have hired unauthorized workers and requires all Arizona employers to participate in an electronic employment verification system, e-Verify, that is voluntary under federal law. The case was brought by a coalition that includes the United States Chamber of Commerce, the American Civil Liberties Union, and other civil rights and business groups. The coalition asserts that the Arizona law conflicts with federal immigration law and violates the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. Constitution. The Acting Solicitor General of the United States, which submitted a key amicus curiae brief in support of the coalition's position, will also be arguing.

    The Backdrop: An Epidemic of State and Local Anti-Immigrant Laws Across the Country

    The challenge to the Arizona employer sanctions law provides the Supreme Court with its first opportunity to weigh in on the trend in recent years of states and localities fashioning their own local immigration laws. Over the past three years, hostility toward immigrants coupled with apparent frustration with the lack of federal immigration reform have inspired states and cities to propose and enact laws that attempt to make life difficult for "illegal aliens" by imposing a patchwork of local penalties. Hundreds of local anti-immigrant measures have been introduced across the country, including the other well-known Arizona anti-immigrant law, SB 1070 (currently the subject of a pending Ninth Circuit appeal). In addition to creating divergent employer sanctions schemes and mandating participation in the voluntary federal e-Verify program, these local immigration efforts have included prohibitions and penalties for the renting of apartments to allegedly unauthorized immigrants and even criminal laws that would prosecute immigrants or family members, friends, employers, and others who allegedly associate with undocumented immigrants.

    Where enacted, these laws have created a climate of hostility and racial profiling against immigrants, increased fear in immigrant communities, and caused immigrant families to flee to more welcoming communities. The harsh penalties in these laws have made employers and landlords wary of dealing with anyone who may look or sound foreign. In response to these many harms, the ACLU and other groups have gone to court to challenge these laws in numerous locations across the United States. Most notably, in September the Third Circuit struck down Hazleton, Pennsylvania's anti-immigrant employment and housing law, diverging with the Ninth Circuit's ruling below on the Arizona employer sanctions law in Whiting; a certiorari petition may be filed in the Hazleton case as well.

    The Issues before the Court in Whiting

  • December 3, 2010

    The U.S. Supreme Court will hear oral arguments Wednesday in a case challenging an Arizona law that regulates the hiring of undocumented immigrants. The case raises the question: Should states be in the business of regulating immigration?

    ACS held a preview discussion about the case, Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting, during which panelists, while representing differing interests and points of view, came together on the view that a patchwork of state and local immigration laws is not the best U.S. policy.

    Business groups, including the name party, the Chamber of Commerce, are opposing the law alongside immigrants' rights and anti-discrimination organizations such as the American Civil Liberties Union, in an uncommon coalition that may prompt the justices to "come together in this case in a way that their instincts might not normally bring them together," said Sri Srinivasan, a partner at O'Melveny & Myers (pictured left).

    Even David Rittgers, a legal policy analyst at the CATO Institute who believes the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit correctly decided the case as a matter of law, said he disagrees with the Arizona law as a matter of policy. He dispelled myths that "immigrants equal violent crime" and cited statistics that immigrant workers strengthen, not weaken, the U.S. economy.

  • November 10, 2010
    Last week, CQ HealthBeat News noted that the ascendance of Republicans in the states would likely mean a burgeoning of the forces trying to take down the landmark health care reform law, the Affordable Care Act. Recently, The Washington Post reported, "Many incoming Republican governors made their antipathy to the law a plank of their campaign. Tennessee Gov. -elect Bill Haslam denounced it as ‘an intolerable expansion of federal government power.' Wyoming Gov. -elect Matt Mead promised to join 21 states contesting the constitutionality in federal courts."

    The festering political opposition to the health care law, which includes calls from newly elected members to the House of Representatives to block funding for the law, prompted TheAtlanic.com editor Derek Thompson to ask, "Is health care reform in danger?" Thompson directs a host of questions to Andrew Webber, head of the National Business Coalition on Health, "a national, not-for-profit organization that represents public and private sector employers," about the law and its solvency.

    Webber, who "represents 53 employer-based health coalitions around the country," told the website that he likes the law's "delivery system reforms," and that if "implemented right, this could be transformational."

    Webber concluded by saying that it was "unfortunate" that the health care reform law occurred "during a recession," and that the "whole thing can crumble. But I don't see it. On the delivery reform issues, we had to do something. I'm hoping that, even if we start to peel back some of the insurance regulation to protect the employer-based system, we can all agree that there are good ideas here you should embrace whether you're as Republican or Democrat."

    Regarding the efforts by newly elected Republicans to the House of Representatives to tie up funding for portions of the law, The New York Times reports that Rep. Eric Cantor, part of the House Republican leadership, said it was his "intention to begin repealing [the health care reform law] piece by piece, blocking funding for its implementation and blocking the issuance of the regulations necessary to implement it."

  • November 5, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Annie Decker, Visiting Assistant Professor, Benjamin H. Cardozo School of Law.
    On November 3, the Supreme Court heard oral argument in Williamson v. Mazda Motor of America. This case ties another important knot in the string of cases addressing when state tort claims can survive federal preemption challenges.

    1. What Question for Preemption Doctrine Does Williamson Pose?

    The overarching - and unresolved - preemption question that emerged from the pack on Wednesday was whether and when an agency's decision to give manufacturers a choice between two or more options means that the agency intended to preserve manufacturers' freedom of choice to the extent that manufacturers had immunity from state tort claims challenging whatever choice the manufacturers ended up making. On the other hand, when does an agency's decision to establish minimum standards in the form of options not signal its intent to preempt subsequent state tort claims arguing that manufacturers made the unreasonable choice among those options?

    2. The Facts

    The potentially preemptive federal law here is a 1989 regulation that the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration promulgated as a "minimum standard" pursuant to the National Traffic and Motor Vehicle Safety Act of 1966. Instead of setting a single standard, the NHTSA gave car manufacturers two options for installing seatbelts in certain specified positions: The first option was to install a lap-only belt, and the second was to install a full lap and shoulder belt assembly.

    Mazda chose to put only a lap belt in the minivan seat occupied by Thanh Williamson, who died of internal injuries after jackknifing over the belt during a head-on collision. Her husband and daughter - who were in the car in seats that had shoulder belts -survived and sued Mazda on her behalf. They asserted that Mazda should have installed the shoulder/lap belt combination, primarily alleging defective design but attaching associated claims, such as failure to warn.

    Martin Buchanan, a San Diego attorney, argued for the Petitioners, the Williamsons. William Jay argued on behalf of the U.S. Solicitor General as amicus curiae in support of the Williamsons. Gregory G. Garre, a partner at Latham & Watkins, argued for Mazda, the Respondent.

    3. What Type of Preemption Is Mazda Arguing Applies Here?

    Preemption doctrine is generally broken into two categories: express and implied. Mazda cannot argue that the Motor Vehicle Safety Act or its regulations expressly preempt the Williamsons' litigation. While the Act has an express preemption clause, it also contains a strong so-called savings clause that preserves state tort claims: "Compliance with a motor vehicle safety standard prescribed under this chapter," Congress mandated, "does not exempt a person from liability at common law."

    Seeking to go beyond the reach of that savings clause, Mazda therefore is relying on implied preemption doctrine to argue that the Williamsons' tort claim is barred. Among the various types of implied preemption, Mazda is relying on the strand known as "obstacle preemption." Obstacle preemption lets federal statutes and regulations trump state or local acts that obstruct the accomplishment of important federal objectives. This strand led Honda to victory in the Supreme Court decision most relevant here, Geier v. American Honda Motor Company, as discussed more below.

    4. Into the Oral Argument Weeds

    The broad question outlined above provoked the Justices to tussle with the several interrelated questions.