Executive power

  • September 29, 2011
    BookTalk
    Taking Liberties
    The War on Terror and the Erosion of American Democracy
    By: 
    Susan N. Herman

    By Susan N. Herman, president of the American Civil Liberties Union and Centennial Professor of Law at Brooklyn Law School


    The 10th anniversary of 9/11 may be over, but let’s not move on too fast. As students and fans of the Constitution, many of us have spent time deploring how the “War on Terror” has jeopardized our rights. Now it’s time to deepen that conversation and get serious about reversing the damage.  

    The news is not all bleak. The past decade offers some reassuring evidence of the power and resilience of our Constitution. My new book, Taking Liberties: The War on Terror and the Erosion of American Democracy, discusses a number of ways in which the Constitution’s multiple interlocking layers of self-protection have worked to limit the extent of the damage done. 

    For example, the right to trial by jury enabled an Idaho jury to honor the First Amendment by rejecting the federal government’s attempt to prosecute graduate student Sami al-Hussayen for posting links on a website.  

    Article III’s decision to insulate federal judges empowered some principled judges to test politically driven strategies against the Constitution. Judge Victor Marrero in the Southern District of New York, for instance, found that the absolute and permanent gag orders automatically attaching to National Security Letters violated the First Amendment, because they prevented recipients of these government demands from ever telling anyone – including Congress, a lawyer, or a court – anything about their own experiences.    

    Freedom of the press enabled reporters to tell the public things the government was trying to conceal – as in James Risen and Eric Lichtblau’s New York Times story revealing the long-secret and illegal NSA surveillance program, and Barton Gellman’s Washington Post exposé on the use of National Security Letters.

  • September 28, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Rochelle Bobroff, Directing Attorney, Herbert Semmel Federal Rights Project, National Senior Citizens Law Center


    On October 3rd at 10 am, the Supreme Court will hear, at its very first oral argument of the new term, a case of vital importance to low-income individuals who rely on safety-net programs, such as health insurance through the federal Medicaid program. The case, Douglas v. Independent Living Center, addresses whether people with limited income and resources can sue states that enact laws which conflict with federal Medicaid requirements, the same way that businesses sue states to challenge state consumer protection laws. The Supreme Court has declined to hear the merits of the Douglas case, not taking the question of whether the slashing of Medicaid reimbursement rates by California violated federal law. The only issue before the Supreme Court is whether the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution – commonly invoked by businesses challenging state environmental or consumer protection laws – applies to the claims of poor people, including low income older adults, who were unable to obtain medication from pharmacies due to the reimbursement rates being below cost.

    As in many cases that have denied disadvantaged individuals court access, the case involves a technical legal principle that doesn’t make for a great sound bite on the evening news. Specifically, the lawyers on Monday will debate whether beneficiaries of federal safety net programs, like Medicaid, are protected by the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution. That fundamental provision says that the “Constitution and the laws of the United States shall be the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitutions or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.” The federal courts, including the Supreme Court, routinely permit businesses to get into court to argue that state consumer and worker protections conflict with federal laws, and, hence, must be “preempted,” i.e., invalidated. And all the federal circuit courts of appeal have held that that there is no basis in the text of the Constitution or in prior case law for denying low income individuals the same access to courts as businesses.

  • August 17, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    A recent movement by Congress’s Tea Party freshmen to prevent Obama from making recess appointments by holding pro forma sessions throughout the summer is “ ‘just the beginning’ of a prolonged assault against Obama’s appointments,” Catholic University law professor Victor Williams writes in The National Law Journal.

    Some members also pushed passage of “patently unconstitutional” legislation in the House to cancel salary payments for some of Obama’s recess appointees, and are claiming that they will prevent any recess through 2012, Williams explains.

    Williams notes that members of the House have no role to play in the confirmations process, a point that Alexander Hamilton made very clear in Federalist No. 77.

    “Against the Constitution's structure and despite Hamilton's warnings, the House attempts to misappropriate a role in the federal appointments process — albeit a negative one. The House usurpation strategy, however, has a faulty premise,” Williams writes.

    In his column, Williams also reiterates an argument he made when it became clear the Senate would block a nomination of Harvard Law School’s Elizabeth Warren to lead the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau:

  • August 5, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Following President Obama’s selection of Sen. Mike Lee’s (R-Utah) general counsel, David Barlow, to be the next U.S. Attorney for Utah, The Huffington Posts’s Dan Froomkin provides a closer look at how the president wound up making the nomination, which did not go over very well with many in the progressive community.

    The response from progressives was, as Froomkin points out, utter dismay, for Lee is not only a Tea Party favorite, but also harbors some radical beliefs on the parameters of the Constitution. Shortly after winning his Senate seat last year, Lee (pictured) said the Constitution allows for the shuttering of the Departments of Education and Housing and Urban Development, and during his campaign claimed the Constitution does not give the government much power to “redistribute our wealth,” apparently overlooking Congress's power to tax and spend. He also, as noted here by Jeffrey Rosen, called for the repeal of the 16th Amendment, which authorizes a progressive income tax, and the 17th Amendment, which allows senators to be elected by popular vote rather than anointed by state legislatures.  (Froomkin notes that is not clear whether Barlow shares all of Lee's "legal theories.")

    But Froomkin says one possible reason for Barlow’s selection “is that Obama’s leeway when it comes to successfully nominating U.S. attorneys and federal judges is severely limited by intransigent Republicans – and by Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Pat Leahy (D-Vt.). The Vermont senator has insisted that either senator from a nominee’s home state can block the nomination simply by refusing to signal support.”

    “The end result,” Froomkin continues, “is that Obama, in many cases, is working off a list of candidates drawn up and considered acceptable by Republicans, rather than the other way around.” 

    ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson told Froomkin, “It’s impossible for President Obama to nominate somebody who doesn’t have the support of the home-state senators because they won’ have the ability to move through the process,” noting that some Senate delegations “are extremely ideological and don’t consent to the idea that elections matter and that the president should have a prerogative in filling these positions.”

    Froomkin points out that this process likely could have been avoided had “Leahy followed the lead of his Republican predecessor – none other than Hatch – and treated home-state senators’ objections as merely advisory.”

    A Leahy spokeswoman defended the senator’s method saying he believed it “encourages consultation between the [White House] and home-state senators.” 

  • August 4, 2011

    by Jonathan Arogeti

    Efforts by members of the Obama administration are restitching the fabric of the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice, largely frayed under the George W. Bush administration, according to a new article in the ABA Human Rights magazine by William Yeomans. And Yeomans should know the history of the Division. He served in multiple capacities there, from trial lawyer to acting assistant attorney general between 1981 and 2005, and until he left the Department of Justice in that year, had spent his entire career in the Department.

    The “bipartisan consensus in support of enforcement of core civil rights protections” enjoyed by the Division since its inception ensured equal voting rights, defeated employment discrimination, and integrated public schools. That consensus “proved inadequate during the Presidency of George W. Bush, as enforcement activity diminished sharply and partisan considerations affected law enforcement and personnel decision,” Yeomans writes.

    Yeomans maintains that while enjoying the benefits of a Republican Congress, the Bush administration filed zero cases pertaining to voter discrimination of African-Americans. With the prospect of a Democratic Congress following the landslide 2006 midterm election, the administration finally exercised this particular section of the Voting Rights Act. Instead of protecting this country’s minorities, however, the Division alleged African-American discrimination against white voters.