Empathy

  • December 4, 2009

    PTSD Defense via "Selective Empathy": ACS Board member Linda Greenhouse on the Supreme Court overturning a veteran's death sentence.

    Huckabee & Clemmons' Clemency: The former governor's persistent defense of clemency for an apparent cop-killer.

    Civil Disobedience or Epidemic?: Following the jailing of their colleague, 20 courthouse deputies call in sick.

    Crime-fighting with Criminology: Cincinnati's "unusual" approach to combatting gang violence.

    Re-Thinking the System: Sen. Jim Webb and other special guests join ACS for a major event on Wed. 12/9 to assess the shortcomings and opportunities in our country's approach to criminal justice.

  • July 14, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Rebecca Latham Brown, Newton Professor of Constitutional Law, USC Gould School of Law

    My thanks to ACS for inviting me to comment during this confirmation process. We have not even gotten to the questioning yet, and I am already feeling the need to weigh in. The distortion of key concepts like "partiality" that has occurred in some of the opening statements should not go unanswered. The senators should be asked to ground some of their sweeping generalities in actual examples of legal judgments that a justice might actually confront. For example, they ridicule or criticize the idea of bringing "empathy" to the job. But what does their criticism mean?

    Let's take the example of Gideon v. Wainwright, a case in which the Supreme Court decided that states must provide defense attorneys for those accused of crimes if they can't afford to hire a lawyer. The Constitution guarantees all accused a right to counsel, but for the first nearly two centuries of the Constitution's life, that was understood to apply only to those who could afford a lawyer. The Supreme Court in 1963 looked at the realities of the criminal justice system and determined that the Constitution's commitments to fairness and justice could not be attained if indigent defendants had no representation. This was a judgment based on both a commitment to ideals such as equality and liberty and justice, but also based on the facts that brought those ideals to life in the real world as it existed at the time. Was this empathy? Was it partiality? The broad generalizations offered today by some of the senators critical of Judge Sotomayor would seem to suggest that there is something illegitimate, or perhaps even corrupt, about such a decision.

  • July 13, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Lawrence F. Keller, Associate Professor, Cleveland State University

    The upcoming confirmation hearings on Sotomayor highlight three trouble issues. I share my assessment of the issues to understand better both the process of judicial appointments and the person qua judge.

    First, confirmation hearings need to deal more substantively with the nature of law in a republic than with specific legal decisions. I realize these are partisan appointments but a hearing is an opportunity to educate the public. Ideally, such an approach could expose the fallacy that judicial activism is contrary to the nature of our legal system. The beauty and strength of the common law was how judges crafted law, often involving the community and certainly building on community norms. They did this while dealing with real cases and real people. As a result their law was often more thoughtful than the work of partisan legislators. Moreover, judges also dealt seriously with both precedence and coherence for the body of the law itself. When the law became rigid and needed reform, legislators had a coherent body of rules and regulations developed over time from community based principles from which to craft remediation. This helped sharpen the legislative process itself.

  • June 12, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Kent Greenfield, Professor of Law and Law Fund Research Scholar, Boston College and is presently writing a book about choice and consent in law, politics and economics. Greenfield is a former Clerk to Justice David Souter (1994-95).

    Ever since President Obama announced that he would seek out an empathetic replacement for David Souter on the Supreme Court, the nation has engaged in a revealing debate about empathy. No one denies that empathy is an important quality for our daily lives, and something we should engender in our kids. But there is an honest disagreement about whether empathy is an appropriate qualification for a judge.

    Liberals like empathy, because compassion brings mercy, and mercy is seen as an important part of good judging. Conservatives denounce empathy, saying compassion breeds judicial activism. Law professor Steven Calabresi has warned that asking judges to be empathetic is like removing the blindfold from the iconic Lady Justice, allowing the judge to decide in favor of whichever perspective elicited more feelings of compassion.

    If empathy is simply a matter of being open to feeling a certain amount of sympathy for one party or the other, the conservatives may be right that it creates risks for a judicial institution. Judges might be too quick to base judgments on unacknowledged bias or prejudice.

    There is a better definition of empathy for the judicial context, however, that focuses not on how judges feel but how they think. This kind of empathy is not only beneficial for the institution, but crucial. And David Souter has embodied this kind of empathy in his tenure on the court. Let me explain.

  • May 20, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Susan A. Bandes, Distinguished Research Professor at DePaul University College of Law and Author of The Passions of Law

    President Obama has singled out empathy as an essential quality for a Supreme Court Justice. He plans to nominate someone who understands that justice is not simply an abstract theory, but "is also about how our laws affect the daily realities of people's lives, whether they can make a living and care for their families, whether they feel safe in their homes and welcome in their own nation." The reaction has been swift and intense: the consensus is that empathetic judges are a threat to the rule of law. As one pundit put it: "Lady Justice doesn't have empathy for anyone. She rules strictly based upon the law and that's really the only way that our system can function properly under the Constitution."

    This criticism confuses empathy with sympathy. It also misunderstands the judge's role. Empathy is the capacity to understand the perspective of another. It is an essential attribute for living in the social world, and a crucial component of legal judgment. Judges need to understand multiple perspectives. What they do with that understanding is a separate question.

    For example, recently the high court heard arguments about whether the strip search of middle school student Savana Redding violated the Fourth Amendment. A judge might well feel empathy for both the student who underwent this humiliating search and the school officials charged with keeping students safe from harm. Empathy helps illuminate what's at stake for all the litigants, giving judges a fuller picture of the possible consequences of its decision. It doesn't resolve who should prevail in the particular case.