Elena Kagan nomination

  • August 6, 2010
    Celebrating the historic confirmation of Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court, President Obama noted in comments at the White House today that Kagan is a trailblazing legal figure who at various occasions has garnered standing ovations from audiences of both ACS and the Federalist Society. President Obama said, "The bipartisan support she received in yesterday's vote is yet another example of the high esteem in which she is held by folks across the political spectrum. There aren't many law school deans who receive standing ovations from both the Federalist Society and the American Constitution Society."

    The president also noted, "For nearly two centuries there was not a single woman on the Supreme Court. When Elena was a clerk, there was just one. But when she takes her seat on that bench for the first time in history there will be three women serving on our nation's highest court."

    Video of President Obama's remarks is available here. A transcript of the remarks is here.

    Reaction to Kagan's confirmation:

    Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) told The Washington Post, "Her great strength, I believe, is that of a conciliator, a reconciler, being able to bring people together, and we've had a whole raft of 5-4 decisions."

    Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) said, "Her qualifications, intelligence, temperament and judgment will make her a worthy successor to Justice John Paul Stevens."

    In an analysis for The Wall Street Journal, Jess Bravin traces the similarities and differences in the careers of Kagan and Chief Justice John Roberts, now the two youngest members of the court, who "could wrestle over competing visions of American law for decades to come." They followed similar paths - "one groomed by the Democratic legal establishment, the other by the Republican" - they both worked in the administration and in prestigious clerkships, and their personalities overlap, each "exuding confidence without arrogance" and attracting supporters with opposite ideologies.

    Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.), quoted in Bravin's analysis, said, "She's smart, she's experienced as a manager, a consensus builder, as someone who's been on the front line. ... She will be an intellectual counterweight to Chief Justice Roberts."

    Also, in the WSJ article, Erwin Chemerinsky said he doesn't believe Kagan is going to persuade Justice Kennedy, the swing vote, "where Stevens and [retired Justice David] Souter couldn't." "Ultimately, it is still the Kennedy court."

    "She brings a keen intellect, considerable talent, and a commitment to core constitutional values," Alliance for Justice President Nan Aron said in a statement praising Kagan's confirmation. "We now call on the Senate to swiftly confirm all lower court nominees, many of whom have been languishing on the floor for months. It is time for the Senate to stop placing politics ahead of equal justice."

  • August 5, 2010

    The Senate, by a vote of 63-37 confirmed the nomination of Elena Kagan to the U.S. Supreme Court, making her the 112th justice. A single Democrat, Sen. Ben Nelson, opposed the confirmation, while five Republican Senators, Susan Collins, Lindsey Graham, Richard Lugar, Olympia Snowe and Judd Gregg, voted for Kagan. Kagan, former dean of the Harvard Law School and a frequent ACS participant, becomes the fourth woman selected to the Supreme Court and is President Obama's second appointment to the Court, following the confirmation of Justice Sonia Sotomayor, nearly a year ago.

    Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy said, "Her qualifications, intelligence, temperament and judgment will make her a worthy successor to Justice John Paul Stevens," The New York Times reported. See a special ACS Web page on resources about Kagan and the confirmation process here.

  • July 20, 2010

    Only one Republican member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Sen. Lindsey Graham, joined the Democratic members in voting to send the nomination of Solicitor General Elena Kagan to the full Senate. But as an editorial in The New York Times notes, the vote was more than just action in favor of or against Kagan and the president.

    A growing number of Republicans and especially leaders of the Tea Party, as noted in a new Issue Brief from the Constitutional Accountability Center (CAC), are openly begging the Supreme Court to limit congressional authority to enforce constitutional rights. More specifically these Republicans are looking for the Supreme Court to substantially limit the sweep of the Constitution's commerce clause, which over the decades has allowed Congress to better the lives of Americans, the editorial notes.

    The Times' editorial states:

    The clause was the legal basis for any number of statutes of enormous benefit to society. It is why we have the Clean Air Act. The Clean Water Act. The Endangered Species Act. The Fair Labor Standards Act, setting a minimum wage and limiting child labor. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, outlawing segregation in the workplace and in public accommodations. In cases like these, the Supreme Court has said Congress can regulate activities that have a ‘substantial effect' on interstate commerce, even if they are not directly business-related.

    But the editorial notes, Republicans are hoping for a Supreme Court that will start to radically weaken the commerce clause, especially since lawsuits aimed at bringing down the health care reform law are beginning to wend their way through the courts and could land before the high court.

    As the editorial states, "Twenty states have joined lawsuits saying the national health care law is unconstitutional, particularly the provision requiring health insurance." And the opponents of the health care reform law are largely targeting the commerce clause, asserting that it is too expansive and must be reined in. Tea Partiers go even farther arguing that the Constitution as they see it was never intended to give the federal government much power.

    A number of Senate Judiciary Republicans also suggested that Kagan, if confirmed, recuse herself if the health care law issue were to reach Court. In written answers to the senators, Kagan said she was not involved in administration discussion about the state attorneys general lawsuits, indicating "there's litttle chance she would recuse," the Blog of the Legal Times reported

    But as noted time and again on this blog, constitutional law experts, such as law professors Jack Balkin, Erwin Chemerinsky and Robert A. Schapiro have all argued that the health care reform law is on solid constitutional ground because of the commerce clause and Congress's power to tax and spend.

    In addition, in an ACS Issue Brief, Simon Lazarus, public policy counsel of the National Senior Citizens Law Center (NSCLC) provides a cogent case for individual mandates that are central to the health care reform law. Recently Lazarus talked with ACSblog about the state challenges to the health care reform law, blasting them as wobbly and politically motivated. Video of his interview is available here.

  • June 29, 2010
    During the first day of Elena Kagan's Supreme Court confirmation hearings, a number of Republicans on the Senate Judiciary Committee took to attacking former Justice Thurgood Marshall, a civil rights hero. Kagan was a clerk for the former justice.

    The Huffington Post noted that "Marshall's name came up 35 times during the first day of Kagan's confirmation hearings, compared to 14 mentions of President Obama ...."

    Several of the Republicans who brought up Marshall did so in a disparaging manner. Sen. Jeff Sessions tagged Marshall as "a well-known liberal activist judge," The Huffington Post reported.

    The civil rights group, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF), ripped the Senate Republicans for their attacks on Justice Marshall.

    NAACP LDF Director-Counsel John Payton said in a press statement:

    Thurgood Marshall changed our country dramatically for the better. Astonishingly, Elena Kagan is being attacked by certain members of the Senate Judiciary Committee because she says her mentor was Thurgood Marshall. She could not have had a better mentor.

    Here is what is undisputed: In the middle decades of the twentieth century, Thurgood Marshall was a leader of those forces whose faith in the Constitution and the American Dream dismantled the perverse empire of Jim Crow - with its separate and unequal schools and colleges, its rigidly segregated neighborhoods, and its profoundly unequal opportunity in every sector of American life. As the founder of the LDF, Thurgood Marshall helped America understand what democracy really means; and he continued to expound that exalted vision as a Justice of the Supreme Court.

    It is a disservice to the Senate and to the nation to have some, for the sake of hollow posturing, distort Thurgood Marshall's beliefs and his extraordinary contribution to our understanding of justice and equality. Simply put, Thurgood Marshall helped make our union more perfect, and that legacy illuminates the highest possibilities for all Americans yesterday, today and tomorrow.

  • June 29, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Howard M. Wasserman, Associate Professor of Law, Florida International University College of Law
    With the meat of the Kagan hearings getting underway this morning, I read the fine new study by Lori Ringhand (UGA Law) and Paul Collins (North Texas Political Science). They coded the subjects of all questions, answers, and comments from hearings going back to 1939 into fairly precise categories ("Civil Rights," "Criminal Justice" "Judicial Philosophy/Interpretive Methods," etc.). They then show that the hearings do deal with a great deal of content on these subjects, particularly certain categories. They also show that there have been increases in both the numbers of questions/comments from the committee and answers/comments from the nominee. They further show that this increase began not with the Robert Bork hearings in 1987, but actually a year earlier with William Rehnquist's nomination to be Chief.*

    Although Ringhand and Collins don't say it in so many terms, the conclusion people are drawing is that hearings are substantive, meaningful, and beneficial, not the "vapid and hollow charade" that Professor Kagan decried in her sure-to-be-talked-about 1995 article.

    But this conflates the subjects discussed and the substance with which they are discussed. The questions, answers, and comments certainly are directed to important subjects. But (except for Bork) they do so in meaningless platitudes, oversimplifications, outright misstatements, or empty political rhetoric and invective ("activist," "outside the mainstream")--and sometimes a combination of all of these. The problem is not the subjects discussed, but how those subjects are discussed. Put differently, the problem is not a quantitative one, but a qualitative one. So John Roberts and Sonia Sotomayor both talked about judicial philosophy--"umpires," "balls and strikes," "apply law to fact"--but in terms that no one could possibly take seriously (including, I expect, the candidates themselves). Sotomayor and Samuel Alito were asked about civil rights--"Doesn't your decision in Ricci, reversed by the Supreme Court, show that you let your personal views influence how you decide cases for those groups you like" "Doesn't your decision in Grove City College, reversed by the Supreme Court, show that you don't like civil rights and let those views influence how you decide cases"--but in entirely result-oriented terms. And that is before we get into the nominee's non-answer answers.

    Yesterday's opening comments suggest nothing is going to change this week.

    * One of the great ironies of 1986 is that Rehnquist underwent a bruising battle for his elevation to Chief, while Antonin Scalia, nominated at the same time to fill Rehnquist's seat as Associate Justice, largely got a pass. Think the Democrats want that one back?