David Cole

  • February 8, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The Obama administration is bending very little to accommodate the mounting calls for the release of legal reasoning for targeted killings of U.S. citizens abroad. So far the president has only agreed to provide legal documents regarding the use of drones and targeted killings to a couple of congressional intelligence committees.

    But Senate Judiciary Committee leaders, Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) and Ranking Member Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) in a Feb. 7 letter to President Obama are calling for more information.  

    The white paper leaked earlier this week, apparently providing a summary of a document crafted by a few attorneys in the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) advanced wobbly -- some have said shoddy -- arguments that the administration’s counterterrorism policy, especially its use of drones, does not subvert constitutional principles. The white paper, in part, concluded that the president could order a targeted killing if the suspected terrorist posed an “imminent threat to the country,” capture would prove “infeasible,’ and that the operation “would be conducted in a manner consistent with applicable law of war principles.”

    Constitutional law experts, like Georgetown’s David Cole blasted the white paper, concluding it allows for the federal government to “kill its own citizens in secret.” The drone war, he explained has significantly reduced “disincentives to killing.

    Leahy and Grassley are not terribly impressed with the white paper either, saying in their letter, that it “was not an adequate substitute for the underlying legal analysis that we believed had been prepared by the Department’s [DOJ] Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) ….”

    The senators also note that the legal arguments in the white paper centered on core constitutional concerns, such as the Fourth Amendment (bars government from “unreasonable searches and seizures” and the Fifth Amendment (the Amendment’s Due Process Clause provides or is supposed to provide for a fair hearing before government can “deprive a person of life, liberty, or property.")  The Senate Judiciary Committee also has “direct oversight jurisdiction over the Department, including OLC.”

    For a president who came to power promising a more transparent government – Obama had been a sharp critic of the prior administration’s proclivity for secrecy – it seems that the legal analysis apparently calling for an outlandish extension of executive power should be made public for all, not just a few senators.

     

  • February 6, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The increasingly disturbing use of Reaper and Predator drones to kill suspected terrorists, and too often civilians alongside them, was apparently given the green light by some DOJ lawyers in the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC). But that’s not for certain since the Obama administration rarely talks about the drone war.

    But a leaked white paper apparently crafted by lawyers in the OLC may be a summary of a more expansive document – the ACLU is suing to find out. The paper, however, as The New York Times and others have quickly noted advances convoluted and radical arguments for an outrageous expansion of executive power.

    Constitutional law scholar and Georgetown University law school professor David Cole, in a piece for NYR blog explores, “how we made killing easy.” And Cole notes by the way that the Obama administration is battling “tooth and nail” the ACLU’s effort to force the release of the entire  legal document.

    The white paper argues that an informed, high-ranking government official can order the killing of a U.S. citizen integral to or associated with Al-Qaeda abroad if the person poses an “imminent threat of violent attack” against the country, the person is unlikely to be captured and that the killing operation would be conducted in accordance with laws governing war.

    The brief paper tosses aside due process in a strained effort to justify executive branch power, with essentially no oversight, to order the killing of terrorist suspects, even U.S. citizens.

     

  • October 31, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Professor David D. Cole, Professor of Law, Georgetown Law


    What if the government was tapping your phone unconstitutionally and there was nothing you could do about it? You’d be living in the United States of America, at least as understood by the Justice Department. Solicitor General Donald Verrilli, Jr., argued in the Supreme Court on Monday, October 29, that, for all practical purposes, the government’s authority to intercept Americans’ international phone calls and emails could not be challenged by the very people most likely to be harmed by it – lawyers, journalists, and human rights activists who regularly engage in such international communications on the very subjects and with the very people the government is likely to be monitoring. Resolution of the case, Clapper v. Amnesty International, may determine whether the most expansive government spying program ever authorized by Congress will be subject to adversarial constitutional review. 

    The Bush administration famously argued that the president’s actions in “engaging the enemy” in the “war on terror” could not be limited by the other branches. It used that argument to justify a secret warrantless wiretapping program run by the National Security Agency that monitored United States citizens’ international communications, in contravention of a criminal statute.  Richard Nixon similarly asserted, when asked by David Frost why he thought he could authorize warrantless wiretapping during the Vietnam War, that “if the President does it, that means it’s not illegal.” To his credit, President Obama has rejected these theories of uncheckable power.  But in defending the most sweeping electronic surveillance authority Congress has ever enacted, he has sought a similar result by contending that, for all practical purposes, the surveillance cannot be challenged in court.

  • January 11, 2011
    The federal law that prohibits "material support" of groups that the State Department labels terrorist organizations has been upheld against constitutional challenges by the Supreme Court and defended by former Attorney General Michael Mukasey and other conservative politicos, such as Rudolph Giuliani and Tom Ridge.

    But when constitutional law expert David Cole recently pointed out in an op-ed for The New York Times that Mukasey, Giuliani, Ridge and Frances Townsend, a former Homeland Security adviser to President George W. Bush, may have ran afoul of the law when then they spoke at an event supporting the Mujahedin e Khalq (MEK), which has long been designated a terrorist group by the federal government, they collectively took to the National Review's blog to reiterate their commitment to the material support law, and mount a defense of their actions on behalf of MEK.

    In their NRO blog post, Mukasey, Ridge, Giuliani, and Frances essentially argue that MEK had been improperly placed and kept on the government list of terrorist organizations. "MEK, which opposes the current regime in Tehran and has provided valuable intelligence to the United States in Iranian nuclear plans, was placed on the State Department list during the Clinton administration as a purported goodwill gesture to the mullahs, in aid of furthering dialogue. Regrettably, it was kept on during the administration of George W. Bush, in part out of fear that Iran would provide IEDs to our enemies in Iraq, which of course the mullahs are doing anyway."

    But in a piece for The Huffington Post, Cole, a law professor at Georgetown, notes the flimsy nature of the group's defense.

    Cole writes:

    Their objections to the MEK's designation might well be justified (I take no position on that issue in the original op-ed, nor here). But the material support statute expressly provides that one cannot defend one's support of a designated group by challenging the propriety of the designation in court. Indeed, ironically enough, the Justice Department under President George W. Bush successfully defended that provision against an alleged supporter o the MEK who south to challenge the group's designation in her defense. (The decision is United States v. Afshari, 427 F. 3d 646 (9 th Cir. 2005).

    ...

    As I argued in my original op-ed, I believe Mukasey and his compatriots have every right to advocate as they did. But according to the positions Mukasey's own Justice Department advanced, his actions were criminal - and he cannot plead the MEK's wrongful designation as a defense. The law needs to be changed. The problem is not just with a single erroneous designation, but with a statute that turns speech advocating only lawful activity into a terrorist crime.

  • January 6, 2011
    Debate over the meaning and reach of the U.S. Constitution is flourishing, partly due to emergence of lawmakers aligned with the Tea Party, which claims to have cornered the market on constitutional scholarship.

    In order to navigate the debate, The New York Times offers "an annotated guide to the clauses most revered, and disputed, by advocates on either side of the political spectrum," and Georgetown Law Center's David Cole provides a decidedly more cutting look at the situation by revealing "for the first time" the "Conservative Constitution of the United States of Real America," for The Washington Post.

    The Times annotated guide touching on those "revered" and "disputed" portions of the Constitution includes sections on the Commerce Clause, the Reconstruction Amendments, the Necessary and Proper Clause and Executive Power. According to The Times, the Commerce Clause is "the biggest source of complaint for many Tea Party activists, which explains the emphasis on it during the nomination hearings for Elena Kagan, the court's newest Justices. The strictest of Tea Party interpretations argues that this clause was intended to govern only interstate transportation."

    Cole, a leading constitutional scholar and professor of law at Georgetown University, notes today's reading of a version of the Constitution on the House floor as a "first step toward fulfilling the tea party's goal of ‘restoring' our nation's founding document," in a column for The Post, in which he also reveals, with tongue firmly planted in cheek, a conservative constitution for "Real America."

    Cole's preamble is especially entertaining:

    We, the Real Americans, in order to form a more God-Fearing Union, establish Justice as we see it, Defeat Health-Care Reform, and Preserve and Protect our Property, our Guns and our Right Not to Pay Taxes, do ordain and establish this Conservative Constitution for the United States of Real America.