David Cole

  • January 11, 2011
    The federal law that prohibits "material support" of groups that the State Department labels terrorist organizations has been upheld against constitutional challenges by the Supreme Court and defended by former Attorney General Michael Mukasey and other conservative politicos, such as Rudolph Giuliani and Tom Ridge.

    But when constitutional law expert David Cole recently pointed out in an op-ed for The New York Times that Mukasey, Giuliani, Ridge and Frances Townsend, a former Homeland Security adviser to President George W. Bush, may have ran afoul of the law when then they spoke at an event supporting the Mujahedin e Khalq (MEK), which has long been designated a terrorist group by the federal government, they collectively took to the National Review's blog to reiterate their commitment to the material support law, and mount a defense of their actions on behalf of MEK.

    In their NRO blog post, Mukasey, Ridge, Giuliani, and Frances essentially argue that MEK had been improperly placed and kept on the government list of terrorist organizations. "MEK, which opposes the current regime in Tehran and has provided valuable intelligence to the United States in Iranian nuclear plans, was placed on the State Department list during the Clinton administration as a purported goodwill gesture to the mullahs, in aid of furthering dialogue. Regrettably, it was kept on during the administration of George W. Bush, in part out of fear that Iran would provide IEDs to our enemies in Iraq, which of course the mullahs are doing anyway."

    But in a piece for The Huffington Post, Cole, a law professor at Georgetown, notes the flimsy nature of the group's defense.

    Cole writes:

    Their objections to the MEK's designation might well be justified (I take no position on that issue in the original op-ed, nor here). But the material support statute expressly provides that one cannot defend one's support of a designated group by challenging the propriety of the designation in court. Indeed, ironically enough, the Justice Department under President George W. Bush successfully defended that provision against an alleged supporter o the MEK who south to challenge the group's designation in her defense. (The decision is United States v. Afshari, 427 F. 3d 646 (9 th Cir. 2005).

    ...

    As I argued in my original op-ed, I believe Mukasey and his compatriots have every right to advocate as they did. But according to the positions Mukasey's own Justice Department advanced, his actions were criminal - and he cannot plead the MEK's wrongful designation as a defense. The law needs to be changed. The problem is not just with a single erroneous designation, but with a statute that turns speech advocating only lawful activity into a terrorist crime.

  • January 6, 2011
    Debate over the meaning and reach of the U.S. Constitution is flourishing, partly due to emergence of lawmakers aligned with the Tea Party, which claims to have cornered the market on constitutional scholarship.

    In order to navigate the debate, The New York Times offers "an annotated guide to the clauses most revered, and disputed, by advocates on either side of the political spectrum," and Georgetown Law Center's David Cole provides a decidedly more cutting look at the situation by revealing "for the first time" the "Conservative Constitution of the United States of Real America," for The Washington Post.

    The Times annotated guide touching on those "revered" and "disputed" portions of the Constitution includes sections on the Commerce Clause, the Reconstruction Amendments, the Necessary and Proper Clause and Executive Power. According to The Times, the Commerce Clause is "the biggest source of complaint for many Tea Party activists, which explains the emphasis on it during the nomination hearings for Elena Kagan, the court's newest Justices. The strictest of Tea Party interpretations argues that this clause was intended to govern only interstate transportation."

    Cole, a leading constitutional scholar and professor of law at Georgetown University, notes today's reading of a version of the Constitution on the House floor as a "first step toward fulfilling the tea party's goal of ‘restoring' our nation's founding document," in a column for The Post, in which he also reveals, with tongue firmly planted in cheek, a conservative constitution for "Real America."

    Cole's preamble is especially entertaining:

    We, the Real Americans, in order to form a more God-Fearing Union, establish Justice as we see it, Defeat Health-Care Reform, and Preserve and Protect our Property, our Guns and our Right Not to Pay Taxes, do ordain and establish this Conservative Constitution for the United States of Real America.

  • November 8, 2010
    Guest Post

    By David Cole, a professor at Georgetown University Law Center, and counsel to several charities and foundations objecting to expansion of the "material support" statute.
    Last summer, the Supreme Court ruled that the First Amendment did not protect speech advocating peace and human rights if expressed to, or in conjunction with, a foreign group that the United States has designated "terrorist." The Court's decision in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project employed reasoning that could have broad implications for First Amendment freedoms generally, as it held that the government's interest in denying "legitimacy" to a proscribed organization was a "compelling interest" that justified a content-based law criminalizing speech urging only lawful, nonviolent conduct.

    But two cases now pending in federal courts of appeals threaten to expand still further the reach of laws banning "material support" -- to prohibit aid even to organizations that have never been "designated" as terrorist or otherwise proscribed by the government. Their resolution will be the next front in the struggle to protect civil liberties from the mandate to suppress support for terrorism. They threaten to expand the law far beyond the already broad reach the Supreme Court endorsed in Humanitarian Law Project, and to chill the legitimate humanitarian aid activities of countless charities and foundations across the United States.

    In the first case, United States v. El Mezain, pending in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, a federal judge ruled that individuals can be held criminally liable under the "material support" statute not only for supporting groups the government has formally designated and placed on an official list, but also for supporting non-designated groups, not on any government lists, if the government later proves that the non-designated group was linked to a designated group. The court required no showing that the donor knew or even should have known that the non-designated group was in any way connected to a proscribed organization.

    If this decision is upheld, any charity that provides aid or does work in conflict-ridden regions around the world will be vulnerable to prosecution. Even if the charity engages in due diligence, carefully checks the government's lists of proscribed groups and individuals, and scrupulously avoids funding anyone on the list, it could still be prosecuted. Under this view of the law, there is literally nothing a charity can do to ensure that it will not be prosecuted - short of exiting the field altogether. The decision has such sweeping ramifications that the defendants' appeal has been supported by an amicus brief from a wide variety of charities, foundations, and non-governmental organizations - including the Council on Foundations, which represents 1,750 U.S.-based foundations; the Carter Center, founded by former President Jimmy Carter; the American Friends Service Committee; the Rockefeller Brothers Fund; the conservative Rutherford Institute; and the bipartisan Constitution Project.

  • July 14, 2010
    In spring the Obama administration announced it would seek a new law allowing investigators to interrogate terrorism suspects without informing them of their Miranda rights. Then in July the Supreme Court ruled in Berghuis v. Thompkins that it is not sufficient for criminal suspects to remain silent to invoke the Miranda rule, which was developed to protect an individual's Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.

    Instead the slim majority, led by Justice Anthony Kennedy said that criminal suspects must speak up and tell interrogators that they want to remain silent before their Miranda rights are invoked. Writing for The Root, University of Maryland law school professor Sherrilyn Ifill maintained that "police officers may now interrogate detainees for hours on end - no limit is suggested by the court - and so long as the detainee does not use the magic words that expressly indicates a refusal to answer questions or the desire for an attorney, any words uttered - no matter how few - may be used against him."

    During a recent ACS panel discussion, constitutional law experts discussed Miranda's future in light of the recent court rulings, such as Berghuis, and the administration's announcement that it would seek a broad exception to the Miranda rule, established in the 1966 landmark ruling in Miranda v. Arizona.

    Constitutional law expert and Georgetown University Law Center Professor David Cole noted that a "public safety exception" has already been created by the Supreme Court and that further carving out exceptions to the Miranda rule for waging war against terrorism, a nebulous term, would only further weaken constitutional rights for citizens and noncitizens. And broadening an exception to the Miranda rule, Cole added, would likely be unconstitutional.

    It is not clear why Congress should be speaking to this matter, Cole (pictured) said. Miranda, he continued, is a judge-made rule driven by constitutional concerns. And the last time Congress "waded into" the realm by trying to re-write Miranda, the high court invalidated the action.

    The panel also included Michael German, policy counsel for the ACLU and a former FBI special agent, and Benjamin Wittes, a senior fellow and research director at Brookings. Video of the panel discussion, "Miranda's Future," is below.

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  • July 8, 2010
    Late in its term, the Supreme Court upheld a law that bars many forms of aid, including humanitarian, to groups the federal government has categorized as terrorist ones. The "material support," law had been challenged by groups and individuals who argued, in part, that the law is so broad it violates their free speech and association rights.

    Writing for a 6-3 majority in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, Chief Justice John Roberts concluded that the federal government may "prohibit all forms for aid to designated terrorist groups, even if the support consists of training and advice about entirely peaceful and legal activities." But in a dissent, Justice Stephen Breyer blasted the majority opinion for upholding a law that suppresses activities that "are of a kind that the First Amendment ordinarily protects."

    During the 2010 ACS National Convention a panel of experts explored the material support law's constitutional impacts. Following the panel, "Material Support Provisions and the First Amendment," David D. Cole, a law professor at Georgetown University Law Center and the attorney who helped represent the groups and individuals challenging the material support provisions, talked with ACSblog about the history of the law. Cole said the federal government, stretching back to the Clinton administration, has shown "very little interest in narrowing the law," and in fact has argued for the broadest reading of the law. Cole concluded by saying that he hoped Congress would eventually find the will to rein in the law. Cole's interview is below, or it can be downloaded as a podcast here. Video of the entire panel discussion is available here.

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