Congress

  • March 22, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Someday soon, perhaps not soon enough, the fear mongering over the landmark health care reform law, the Affordable Care Act, will be relegated to the dustbins of history.

    The scare tactics we’ve lived with for what feels like a decade – the ACA’s minimum coverage provision, requiring Americans who can afford to do so to start paying for a minimum amount of health care coverage in 2014 is an unprecedented expansion of congressional power and a dire threat to liberty as we know it – are getting even louder as oral argument in the case approaches.

    The usual suspects, Fox News and rightwing radio host Rush Limbaugh have been the ringleaders of sloppy reasoning and fear mongering, as Media Matters’ David Lyle notes in cogent fashion.

    Lyle’s piece documents the shrill arguments – you’ve heard them – if Congress can force us to purchase a minimum amount of health care coverage, then surely it'll pass laws soon to force us to purchase gym memberships, organic foods, and American automobiles.

    But Lyle notes this “slippery slope argument turns out, however, to be too slippery by half, and it gets both the Constitution and the facts of the health care marketplace wrong.”

    On a Feb. broadcast, Limbaugh suggested once people are required to purchase a minimum amount of health care coverage, then what can stop the government from “making us buy a stupid electric car.” Lyle cites a slew of other examples peddling the slippery slope scare tactic.

    But Lyle notes, what others have before “legal and health policy experts have explained, contrary to the right-wing’s ‘broccoli mandate’ talking point, the Affordable Care Act appropriately addresses failures in the health insurance market using the broad powers the Constitution gives Congress to regulate the national economy, and does not lead to the absurd results opponents have imagined.”

  • September 12, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Marla Grossman, Partner, American Continental Group


    Last week, the Congress passed the most comprehensive patent reform in the U.S. in over 50 years. Just hours before President Obama gave his jobs speech, the U.S. Senate passed H.R. 1249 by a vote of 89 to 9, clearing the bill for the president’s signature. The bill’s title is the Leahy-Smith America Invents Act, and it will help promote American innovation, thereby creating additional jobs in this country and, hopefully, enhance the economy. 

    Passage of the America Invents Act is the culmination of more than a decade of efforts of innovators and public policy makers. Several of the provisions implement recommendations made by the Federal Trade Commission in 2003 and the National Academy of Sciences in 2004. Congress worked on this bill from the 108th – 112th congressional sessions, holding dozens of hearings and engaging in extensive debate.

    Some of the key features of the final legislation include:

    • Transitioning to a first-inventor-to-file system, harmonizing the U.S. patent system with the rest of the world;
    • Replacing the costly interference proceedings with derivation proceedings to determine the right to a patent;
    • Updating and improving the inventor’s oath/declaration;
    • Authorizing pre-issuance submissions by third parties prior to the grant of a patent to aid patent examiners and improve patent quality;
    • Creation of a new, first-window post-grant review process to improve patent quality;
    • Improving the current inter partes system by heightening the threshold for instituting a review, making it more difficult to use the process to harass a patent owner;
    • Creation of a new supplemental examination proceeding to incentivize patent owners to commercialize their inventions despite potential flaws in the application process;
    • Making failure to disclose the best mode no longer a basis for invalidity;
    • Eliminating harassing false marking lawsuits, and addressing recent holdings that the current statute is unconstitutional; and
    • Providing for a 15 percent increase in Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) fees that will take effect 10 days after enactment of the bill so the agency can have a quick infusion of desperately needed resources.

    It is not a perfect bill. Most notably, it does not guarantee the PTO stable, future funding and does not require that the agency be able to utilize all of its user fee collections. By definition, however, a “perfect” bill is one that has no chance of ever becoming law in this country of diverse opinion and representational government.

  • March 16, 2011
    The House Judiciary Committee is preparing to ponder a resolution urging the public display of "In God We Trust," Politico reports.

    Rep. Randy Forbes (R-Va.) is sponsoring H.R. 274, which urges that "In God We Trust," be plastered throughout as many public buildings as possible, including public schools. In a press release on the resolution, Rep. Forbes claims, "The religious underpinnings of our nation are not evident merely because of the existence of a phrase ‘In God We Trust.' Rather, the very foundation upon which our nation was built was a trust in God."

    Aping Religious Right rhetoric, Forbes added that the nation has witnessed a "growing effort to strip references to America's religious heritage, including our national motto, from federal buildings, documents and ceremonies across the nation."

    The Rev. Barry Lynn, head of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, knocked the House for expending time on the resolution.

    "This is divisive and a diversion from important national issues," Lynn said in a press release. "No wonder public opinion of Congress is so low. We face a dire economic situation, the threat of a government shut-down and world instability, and House members are wasting time on symbolic religious issues.

    "Millions of Americans believe in God and millions do not. I doubt if any of them will make their decision about religious belief based on a politician's non-binding resolution," he continued.

  • January 28, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Sandy Newman. Mr. Newman is the President of Voices for Progress, and was one of the leaders of the Fix the Senate Now Coalition.

    Senators Tom Udall, Jeff Merkley and Tom Harkin have been extraordinary leaders of a hard-fought effort to reform the Senate rules. ACS, while not taking a position on specific proposals, worked to educate Senators about the constitutional history and the extent of current filibuster abuse. More than sixty organizations involved in an informal Fix the Senate Now coalition joined in supporting their proposals. It is therefore unsurprising that, with the defeat of the Udall, Merkley, and Harkin resolutions yesterday, the initial takeaway is that "reformers lost."

    My take: Yesterday was a day of considerable progress in the latest round of a multi-round fight to make the Senate work.

    Reformers won modest changes in the rules themselves by way of a deal negotiated between the leadership of both parties. They showed that they had nearly majority support for more substantial reforms. And they won an assurance that instead of Democrats playing by one rulebook when they are in the majority, only to have the Republicans subjugate them with different rules later, both parties will play by the same rules.

    Reformers did not prevail on a key procedural issue. They knew that, as in past rules reform battles, those opposed to reform would filibuster the proposed changes. Reformers relied on judicial and Senate precedents affirming that, because a previous Senate can't constitutionally limit the powers of today's Senate, a majority is sufficient to break a filibuster - if it does so before the Senate implicitly ratifies the old rules by operating under them. This procedure, the "Constitutional Option," differed from the 2005 "Nuclear Option," in which the Republicans attempted to throw out the rules in the middle of a session, after the new Congress had already ratified them.

    Senators Udall, Merkley and Harkin had put forward a proposal fair to both parties, one that they knew was unlikely to garner unanimous Democratic support. They had hoped to win the support of some Republicans for both the substantive proposals and the Constitutional Option, especially since so many Republicans had supported the far more radical Nuclear Option. In the end, even Republicans who had publicly called for reform refused to back their reform proposals.

  • August 26, 2010
    BookTalk
    The U.S. Congress: A Very Short Introduction
    By: 
    Donald A. Ritchie

    By Donald A. Ritchie, Historian of the Senate.

    Even a brief, seemingly prosaic phrase in the Constitution can pack a powerful wallop. Article I, Section 5 says simply that "Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings...." As I explain in my book, "The U.S. Congress: A Very Short Introduction," those nine words have enabled the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives to evolve into two strikingly dissimilar legislative bodies, requiring different strategies in each house for enacting legislation.

    Early in its history, the larger House adopted rules to limit the time members could speak, and essentially to allow the majority to prevail so long as it stayed together. The nineteenth-century House made itself into a hierarchical body, investing greater authority in the hands of its Speaker, establishing formal leadership positions, and creating a House Rules Committee that became a key leadership tool by setting the parameters for debate and amendment of major bills. The House evolved into a compound of groups: party conferences, committees, issue caucuses, state delegations, freshman classes, and any other means of creating strength through numbers. Since the House rules favor those who have the vote, the House majority could prevail without bothering to consult the minority.

    The smaller Senate developed entirely different rules that gave more muscle to the minority, whether it is the minority party, a faction within the majority party, or a single senator who objects. More individualistic, the Senate limited the role of its president (the Vice President) to that of a neutral presiding officer, and took decades longer than the House to develop floor leadership. The Senate never gave to its Rules and Administration Committee the House Rules Committee's ability to define the length of debate and number of amendments that can be offered on the floor. The Senate operates according to a small number of standing rules, which it regularly waives by unanimous consent. Because senators do so much of their business by unanimous consent, and because any one of them can object at any time, senators gain individual power the moment they take the oath of office - a good explanation for why half of the Senate is composed of former representatives. Senate rules allow more time for debate and delay, thus requiring more negotiation and compromise to get things done.

    The Constitution set several "supermajority" requirements - two thirds votes to overturn a veto, approve a treaty, or remove a federal official from office (while the House can impeach by a simple majority) - and Senate rules added a three-fifths requirement to invoke cloture and cut off filibusters. Filibuster and cloture most distinguish the two bodies, since they exist only in the Senate. Garnering the sixty votes needed to achieve cloture usually requires the Senate's majority to seek some support among the minority. Before the current Congress, it had been thirty years since one party had sixty votes in the Senate. In between, the average majority was fifty-five.

    With rules that foster deliberation, cooperation, and consensus building, the Senate's majority cannot relegate the minority to the role of bystanders. The majority leader controls the calendar, but the minority leader holds an arsenal of parliamentary weapons for blocking action. Having passed a strong bill, House members often get infuriated over compromises struck in the Senate. But the House minority will often give thanks for the Senate minority's ability to force changes or derail a bill entirely. Senate majority leaders, regardless of party, must regularly remind their House counterparts that their chambers operate differently and that the Senate majority cannot do everything it wants. Sen. Arlen Specter has compared the Senate rules to anarchy and the House rules to despotism, adding that deciding which is better "is a fairly tough choice."