Chief Justice John Roberts

  • August 19, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Although many prominent legal leaders, editorial boards and commentators have long lamented the high number of judicial vacancies plaguing our courts, it is not easy for those removed from the process to understand how judicial nominations work, and what impact these empty seats  have on our justice system.

    The White House has put together a new infographic that paints a powerful picture of the nature of Senate obstruction of judicial nominees, and highlights Obama’s efforts to diversify our federal courts.

    Here are a few key facts included in the infographic:

    • Obama’s nominees are highly qualified: All 155 of President Obama’s nominees have been rated qualified or well-qualified by the American Bar Association, yet only 97 of the 155 have been confirmed.
    • Obama’s judicial nominees have waited more than five times longer for a Senate confirmation vote than Bush’s nominees: President George W. Bush’s district court nominees waited an average of 20 days for a Senate confirmation vote following their approval by the Senate Judiciary Committee, which vets judicial nominees. President Obama’s district court nominees have waited an average of 103 days, and his circuit court nominees have waited an average of 151 days. Some of President Obama’s nominees have waited as long as 21 months for the Senate to schedule an up-or-down vote.
    • While nominees are held up, justice is delayed: In 16 percent of civil cases before the federal courts in 2010, individuals had to wait more than three years for a resolution. In 2006, only six percent of cases took that long. (And in the districts containing some of the 37 vacancies deemed judicial emergencies, the waits can be much longer.)
  • July 5, 2011

    Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. at the recent Fourth Circuit Judicial Conference grabbed a few relatively easy applause lines – by knocking the work of law professors.

    Specifically Roberts claimed that legal scholarship is not relevant to the work of lawyers and judges, saying he is on the same page with Judge Harry T. Edwards of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, who believes there is a great “disconnect between the academy and the profession.”

    Roberts continued, “Pick up a copy of any law review that you see, and the first article is likely to be, you know, the influence of Immanuel Kant on evidentiary approaches in 18th Century Bulgaria, or something, which I’m sure was of great interest to the academic that wrote it, but isn’t of much help to the bar.”

    Roberts added that he doesn’t necessarily think anything is wrong with such an approach, albeit a relatively irrelevant one. “If the academy wants to deal with the legal issues at a particularly abstract, philosophical level,” Roberts continued, “that’s great and that’s their business, but they shouldn’t expect that it would be of any particular help or even interest to the members of the practice of the bar or judges.”

    Perhaps not surprisingly a law professor, who not only writes law review articles, but is a frequent blogger, has taken umbrage with the chief justice’s commentary on the usefulness of legal scholarship.

    In a piece posted at Concurring Opinions, University of Maryland law school professor Sherrilyn Ifill writes, “Legal scholars will on occasion indeed take up Kant (and there’s no shame in that), but more often than not, published law review articles offer muscular critiques on contemporary legal doctrine, alternative approaches to solving complex legal questions, and reflect a deep concern with the practical effect of legal decisionmaking on how law develops in the courtroom.”

    Ifill, then provides a string of cites to law review articles that she says would provide great help to judges, if they would read them.

    For example Ifill notes that her 2002 Maryland Law Review article, “Do Appearances Matter?: Judicial Impartiality and the Supreme Court in Bush v. Gore,” provides “a detailed prescription of how Supreme Court recusal practice should be reformed and codified – an area of Supreme Court practice desperately in need of reform and a matter much in the news these days in light of some of the activities of Justice Clarence Thomas and his wife, Ginni.”

    Ifill said that Roberts apparently intended to “shame academics with what he regards as our own scholarly irrelevance. But the shame is really on the Chief Justice of the United States, who demonstrated how out of touch he is with the current world of legal scholarship and the potential contribution of legal scholars to the work of judges.”

    The chief justice’s entire remarks before the Fourth Circuit conference are available from C-SPAN, by clicking on image.

  • March 2, 2011
    The over-the-top anti-gay group called the Westboro Baptist Church convinced a majority of the U.S. Supreme Court that its speech aimed at tarring gays, Jews, Catholics and American soldiers is protected by the First Amendment.

    In an 8-1 opinion issued this morning, the high court led by Chief Justice John Roberts found that the content of Westboro's speech "plainly relates to broad issues of interest to society at large, rather than matters of ‘purely private concern.'"

    For decades Fred Phelps and his tiny Kansas-based church, made up largely of his relatives, have traveled the country initially targeting the funerals of persons who had died of AIDS with signs reading "God Hates Fags." Eventually after antiviral drugs helped, in this country, to lessen the number of AIDS-related deaths, Phelps and his family turned to protesting funerals of soldiers, and with two American wars, the opportunities to amplify their vitriol again increased. According to its website "godhatesfags.com," Phelps and his family picket funerals of soldiers as part of a campaign attacking America for allegedly being tolerant of gays. Beyond posting invective on its web site, the small group travels the country to hoist signs at soldiers' funerals reading "God Hates the USA," and "Semper fi fags." When Phelps and his family brought their act to a Maryland funeral of Marine Lance Corporal Matthew Snyder, his father, Albert lodged a lawsuit against the group and won a jury verdict of $2.9 million in compensatory damages and $8 million in punitive damages. The jury verdict was overturned by an appeals court, citing First Amendment protection for Phelps.

    Writing for the majority in Snyder v. Phelps, Roberts said the content of Westboro's messages "may fall short of refined social or political commentary, the issues they highlight - the political and moral conduct of the United States and its citizens, the fate of our Nation, homosexuality in the military, and scandals involving the Catholic clergy - are matters of public import," and ultimately protected by the First Amendment. "Such speech," Roberts wrote, "cannot be restricted simply because it is upsetting or arouses contempt."

    Justice Samuel Alito was the only member to dissent. "Our profound national commitment to free and open debate is not a license for the vicious verbal assault that occurred in this case," he wrote.

    Alito continued that Phelps' band has a freedom to "write and distribute books, articles, and other texts," and disseminate its commentary in other public ways, such as posting its commentary on its web site.

    "It does not follow, however, that they may intentionally inflict severe emotional injury on private persons at a time of intense emotional sensitivity by launching vicious verbal attacks that make no contribution to public debate," Alito said.

    Alito also questioned the majority's conclusion that the Phelps outfit was engaging in speech of public concern. He wrote that evidence showed that the group went "far beyond matters of public concern," and "specifically attacked Matthew Snyder because (1) he was a Catholic and (2) he was a member of the United States military. Both Matthew and petitioner were private figures, and this attack was not speech on a matter of public concern."

    Tom Goldstein, founder of SCOTUSblog provides some initial reaction to the opinion, noting:

    The Court left undecided two important issues that it concluded were not squarely presented. First, recognized that the government may regulate the "time, place, and manner" of speech and that the State of Maryland (where this protest was held) subsequently enacted a statute governing the circumstances in which funeral protests may be held. The Court did not decide the constitutionality of that statute or other similar federal and state laws. The Court may have been motivated to grant review in the case and still affirm in order to issue an opinion that, unlike the arguable implications of the court of appeals' decision, did not call such statutes into question.

    Second, the Court acknowledged that the plaintiffs had also brought suit on the basis of statements made by the defendants on a website. But it concluded that the issue had been waived by not preserving it in the petition for certiorari and only briefly mentioning it in the merits briefing. The Court was therefore able to limit its decision strictly to the context of funeral protests.

  • February 22, 2011
    Jim Hightower, the best-selling author and national pundit, unknown for mincing words, takes it to the Roberts Court in a piece recently re-published by AlterNet. Specifically, Hightower tags Chief Justice John Roberts and the court's four other right-wing jurists, Justices Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Anthony Kennedy as "extremist judicial activists" who have "been hurling bombs at our democracy."

    He continues, "They've hit us with decision after decision enhancing the power of corporations at the direct expense of workers, consumers, local communities, our air and water, voters, the elderly, and ... well, anyone and everyone who stands up in court to resist the rise of corporate hegemony in America."

    Hightower then details the conservative wing's "four biggest corporate hits," including its opinions blocking a woman employee at Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., from proceeding with an employment discrimination case, a 2008 action severely slashing a jury damage award against Exxon for its Alaska tanker spill, its opinion hobbling the Clean Water Act and the "grandest giveaway of all," its 5-4, 2010 opinion in Citizens United v. FEC, which resulted in finding that corporations are actually persons that may spend boatloads of money on influencing elections.

    Regarding the Citizens United decision, Hightower continues, that judicial activism "is way too tame a phrase for what Roberts & Company did here. This was a coup - a plotted overthrow of the orderly judicial process in order to enthrone corporate political interests over all others."

    Corporate victories shaped by the high court's right-wing are going to keep coming, Hightower warns. He notes that the justices recently agreed to examine the largest employment job discrimination case in history, the class action lawsuit filed by "hundreds of thousands of women employees" arguing that the retailing behemoth Wal-Mart has "discriminated against them in pay and promotion."

    Hightower concludes:

    Let me be blunt: John Roberts, the leader of the pack, has turned into an autocratic, unelected national lawmaker, imposing his political vision as the law of our land. He is doing major structural damage to America's unifying sense of fairness and justice. We can't allow him to keep hiding behind the judicial robe while he mugs us and our democratic ideals. He should be impeached.

  • January 4, 2011
    As noted here yesterday, Chief Justice John Roberts entered the discussion over the rising number of vacancies on the federal bench by deploring in his year-end review delays in the judicial nominations process. But in its lead editorial today, The New York Times says Roberts "diluted his message a bit by suggesting that blame for this undermining of the judicial branch rests evenly with both parties."

    The "main culprit," according to the editorial, "is an unprecedented level of Republican obstructionism."

    The editorial, "The Missing Judges," states:

    In the last Congress, Republicans typically refused to publicly explain their opposition to individual nominees and their prolonged blockade of candidates who had cleared the [Senate Judiciary Committee] either unanimously or with just a couple of negative votes. Between Congress's return from its August recess and the start of the lame duck session, Senate Republicans consented to vote on just a single nomination.

    The editorial also notes that four "other nominees approved by the committee by a party-line vote were also denied Senate consideration," including the nomination of Berkeley Law School professor Goodwin Liu, "a well-qualified law professor and legal scholar whose main problem for Republicans, it seems, is his potential to fill a future Supreme Court vacancy."

    NPR reported this afternoon that President Obama will renominate "more than a dozen candidates for judicial positions on the federal courts," including Liu.

    To track vacancies on the federal bench and status of judicial nominations, visit JudicialNominations.org.