Campaign finance

  • April 19, 2011

    The Tea Party and other far-right activists are successfully shaping their image as a “constitutional movement” because they connect with “populist sentiment,” writes The New Republic’s Legal Affairs Editor Jeffrey Rosen.

    “Enthusiasm about constitutional amendments generally tracks closely with populist sentiment,” Rosen, a law professor at George Washington University law school, writes. “Simply put, populist movements tend to expend energy on constitutional amendments; those that are more elite-driven do not.”

    Rosen notes a slew of amendments that have been, and are being, pushed by the right-wing. Those include Tea Party-backed amendments to greatly restrict the power of the federal government and Religious Right-backed constitutional amendments aimed out curtailing reproductive rights and banning same-sex marriage.

    Rosen concludes that “the lesson here for liberals isn’t necessarily about passing constitutional amendments. It’s that, in order to have any success as a constitutional movement, they need to find a way to reconnect with populism.”

    One way to reconnect is to better promote objections to a government that is “heavily influenced by Wall Street.” Citing Harvard Law School professor Lawrence Lessig, progressives do share some common ground with elements of the Tea Party, a distrust of “corporate control.”

    At an ACS event earlier this year concerning corporate influence on the courts, former New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer urged progressives to become far more engaged in the debate over the Constitution, to fight back against Tea Party activists’ claims that they have the market cornered on constitutional scholarship.

    Spitzer said, “The Constitution is a wildly progressive document. It is an amazing thing. We all appreciate that. But our failure to stand up and defend it permits them to claim it.”

    He continued, “This is a document that reflects society. It pains me that we are losing the Constitution because we are unwilling to stand up and defend what it really is. We have to do that.”

    Some progressives have already taken to the challenge of fighting corporate influence on government. Jeffrey Clements, an ACS Issue Brief author on campaign finance regulation and corporate rights, has helped found a group dedicated to advancing a constitutional amendment that would reign in the ability of corporations to spend freely on elections.

     

  • April 18, 2011

    In light of increasingly “ugly” and “expensive” judicial elections such as the recent Wisconsin Supreme Court justice race, states should be permitted to impose more limits on judicial campaign spending than they do on other types elections, write University of California, Irvine law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky and Hofstra law professor James J. Sample in The New York Times.

    “More than 7 in 10 Americans believe campaign cash influences judicial decisions. Nearly half of state court judges agree. Never before has there been so much cash in the courts,” the op-ed explains.

    Chemerinsky and Sample urge advocates for abolishing judicial elections to “come to terms” with the reality that “judicial elections are here to stay,” and instead focus their energy on “incremental changes” that will reduce the influence of money on judges. (A New York Times editorial published last week urged the use of a merit panel rather than election to select Wisconsin’s judges.)

    They explain that while states are permitted to impose limits on direct contributions by persons to candidates, states are not permitted to set restrictions on outside spending. Such indirect spending to candidates is ever-increasing: In 2008 for the first time, spending by non-candidate groups nationally exceeded spending by candidates on the ballot.

    “In the legislative and executive offices, it is accepted that special-interest lobbying and campaign spending can influence votes; but that is anathema to our most basic notions of fair judging,” they write. “Thus, the Supreme Court should hold that the compelling interest in ensuring impartial judges is sufficient to permit restrictions on campaign spending that would be unconstitutional for nonjudicial elections.”

    Read the full article here. For more on judicial selection, see an ACSblog video interview with Justice at Stake Executive Director Bert Brandenburg on Caperton v. Massey, a 2009 Supreme Court decision on judicial conflict of interest referenced in the op-ed.

  • April 12, 2011

    The Supreme Court’s conservative wing appears bent on redefining politics by ensuring the wealthiest candidates are not hindered in their never-ending quest for political power. In its editorial, “Unfettered Money,” The New York Times notes that the conservative justices who invalidated major campaign finance regulations in Citizens United v. FEC appear united in their belief that money literally equals speech, and therefore campaign finance regulations are highly susceptible to being invalidated as unconstitutional restrictions on political speech.

    Noting recent oral argument in a case challenging Arizona’s public campaign financing law, the editorial notes that the conservative bloc appears eager to invalidate it. The law provides public funding to candidates who agree to participate in the public financing system. The opponents of the law argue that Arizona is trying to undercut the speech of wealthy candidates, and during oral argument, The Times notes, Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. agreed with that proposition.

    The Times concludes:

    That makes no sense. Arizona’s mechanism means more candidates – not just the wealthy – will be able to run in elections. And that means more political speech, not less. But that view depends on seeing money as enabling speech, not vice versa. Money already has far too much sway everywhere in politics. If the court continues this way, the damage and corruption will be enormous.

    In a guest post for ACSblog, Rick Hasen, an election law expert and founder of Election Law Blog, wrote that an opinion invalidating Arizona’s law “is likely to take away one of the only tools available to drafters of public financing measures to make such financing attractive to candidates. Public financing has a number of benefits, including reducing the threat of corruption and the appearance of corruption, providing a jump start for new candidates who are not professional politicians, and freeing up candidates and officeholders to have more time to interact with voters.” 

  • April 11, 2011

    Shareholders of Home Depot will likely have more influence in the company’s political expenditures, reports Ciara Torres-Spelliscy for the Brennan Center for Justice.

    Torres-Spelliscy notes a recent no-action letter from the SEC that she says “will enhance the ability of shareholders to have more of a voice when publicly-traded corporations spend money on politics.”

    The SEC letter was prompted after Home Depot “tried to keep a shareholder resolution on corporate political spending off of this year’s proxy statement,” Torres-Spelliscy wrote. “The SEC said the shareholders would get a chance to vote on the matter. This action provides shareholders with greater protections when corporations spend their money, in the form of general corporate funds, on politics.”

    The SEC’s action according to Torres-Spelliscy means that the shareholders have the opportunity on “company-by-company basis” to take action the planned political spending. “This is a big step,” she writes, “in the right direction for giving shareholders more protections after Citizens United allowed corporations the ability to spend other people’s money in politics.”

  • April 5, 2011

    Ariz. State Senator John McComish, who lodged the legal challenge to the state’s campaign finance law that provides funds to candidate who forgo private donations, is becoming a prime example for the law’s worthiness, writes Doug Kendall.

    Kendall, president of the Constitutional Accountability Center, in a piece for The Huffington Post, notes reports about an “unfolding campaign finance scandal involving officials from the Fiesta Bowl,” and McComish.

    Kendall writes:

    As shown in a 276-page report conducted by an outside firm, as well as in news reports, the scandal involves Fiesta Bowl officials allegedly providing freebie trips and gifts to Arizona state legislators, and more than $46,000 in campaign contributions to 23 candidates funneled through Fiesta Bowl employees. Last Thursday, Sen. McComish was forced to file an amended financial disclosure report, acknowledging that he had accepted from Fiesta Bowl officials a gift of more than $500 in value involving a trip to the Big 12 Championship in Dallas in 2009, and had not disclosed this fact as required by Arizona law.

    Kendall notes the story of McComish is coming to light as the U.S. Supreme Court is considering the challenge to the law in McComish v. Bennett, and concludes that the state senator “is becoming Exhibit A in why the Supreme Court should reject his claim.”

    In guest post for ACSblog, law professor Rick Hasen analyzes the future of public campaign financing in light of news reports that a majority of the justices appeared ready at oral argument to invalidate the Arizona law.