BookTalk

  • June 2, 2011
    BookTalk
    Nothing to Hide
    The False Tradeoff between Privacy and Security
    By: 
    Daniel J. Solove

    By Daniel J. Solove, John Marshall Harlan Research Professor of Law at the George Washington University Law School. Solove will have a signing of his book at Politics & Prose in Washington, D.C. on July 9 at 6 p.m.


    A battle is raging in Congress and the courts about various forms of government surveillance. Federal courts have reached conflicting conclusions about whether the Fourth Amendment provides any protection against GPS surveillance by the government. The government is pressing Congress to allow broad access to location information. And Senator Leahy recently introduced a bill to update the Electronic Communication Privacy Act (ECPA), the law that regulates government access to our Internet records, among other things. 

    The debate between privacy and security remains vigorous, and the outcome of this debate will have profound effects on the scope of government power for years to come. My book, Nothing to Hide: The False Tradeoff Between Privacy and Security, is about how we should have this debate. For a long time, pro-security proponents have been using a set of arguments that are skewing the debate toward the security side. My book is written to put some of these arguments to rest.

    One of the prime examples of these arguments is one I refer to as the “All-or-Nothing Fallacy.”  Many people contend that “we must give up some of our privacy in order to be more secure.” In polls, people are asked whether the government should track people with GPS or wiretap people’s communications if it will help catch terrorists. Many people readily say yes. They conduct a balancing between the government having powers to monitor terrorists and privacy. “We certainly want the government to be listening,” people say. “If there’s a terrorist running around, we want the government to be tracking that person.” It’s hard to disagree. In the balance, privacy loses. 

    But this is the wrong way to conduct the balance. Rarely does protecting privacy involve totally banning a security measure. So when civil libertarians call for greater protections against government access to Internet use records or when they argue the Fourth Amendment should protect against GPS surveillance, they are not proposing that the government can never get its hands on the records or can never use GPS to monitor people. It’s not all-or-nothing. Instead, privacy protection merely means that these forms of surveillance should be regulated by requiring the government to justify before a court that it has probable cause to believe the surveillance will reveal evidence of criminal activity. 

    What does this mean for balancing privacy and security?

  • May 26, 2011
    BookTalk
    Infringement Nation
    Copyright 2.0 and You
    By: 
    John Tehranian

    By John Tehranian, the Irwin R. Buchalter Professor of Law at Southwestern Law School and the Biederman Entertainment and Media Law Institute in Los Angeles, California, and a founding partner of One LLP.


    Shortly after taking office in 2009, President Barack Obama announced that he would end the use of Guantanamo Bay as a detention camp for enemy combatants in the war on terrorism.  Although it appears increasingly unlikely that the President will achieve this goal any time in the near future, the eventual closing of the facility would potentially do away with a number of controversial policies.  Of those practices, one of the more unusual was the military’s arguably infringing use of music on the prisoners. The soundtrack to Guantanamo Bay, it turns out, was replete with copyrighted songs meant to addle and unnerve, especially on repeat. And, apparently, the government lacked an appropriate license to publicly perform these songs. 

    As a preliminary matter, the playlist at Guantanamo — at least during the Bush years — was, according to press reports, filled with curious choices. For example, it included Fuck Your God — a particularly bizarre selection considering the Bush Administration’s religiosity and the federal government’s position, through the FCC, on the use of indecent language in other contexts. Guantanamo Bay’s Top Ten List — the songs most frequently played to interrogate prisoners — featured a perverse smorgasbord of heavy metal, children’s music, and (seemingly) patriotic stadium rock:

  • May 19, 2011
    BookTalk
    Fighting Their Own Battles
    Mexican Americans, African Americans, and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Texas
    By: 
    Brian D. Behnken

    By Brian D. Behnken, a professor of history and Latino/a studies at Iowa State University.


    Last week, President Barack Obama addressed a large gathering in El Paso, Texas on the need for comprehensive immigration reform. He called for a “widespread movement” for reform and reminded Americans that the United States is a nation of immigrants. The President’s speech, however, was short on details. Beyond platitudes about the need to “secure our borders” and “enforce the law,” he offered little substance or new solutions. Many Latino pundits criticized the President for giving flashy speeches while simultaneously ignoring the destruction of the DREAM (Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors) Act; deporting hundreds of thousands of Latinos since taking office, including deportations that led to the separation of families, a practice he has claimed to deplore; and continuing a divisive and often anti-immigrant rhetoric.

    In attempting to focus attention on immigration, President Obama unwittingly exposed something else – the longstanding division between blacks and browns over public policy issues such as immigration. The broad contours of this debate are detailed in my book, Fighting Their Own Battles: Mexican Americans, African Americans, and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Texas. I show that a number of factors have led to this complicated relationship. Historically, the single biggest cause of conflict between Mexican Americans and African Americans was racial in nature. For example, since the early 1900s some blacks regarded Mexican Americans as racially suspect foreigners who took jobs from native born Americans. Mexican Americans found such opinions extremely distasteful and they responded by ignoring the black civil rights movement.

    Mexican American prejudices also caused divisions among blacks and Latinos.

  • May 12, 2011
    BookTalk
    Feminist Legal History
    Essays on Women and Law
    By: 
    Tracy Thomas and TJ Boisseau, editors

    By Tracy Thomas, professor of law at the University of Akron.  Thomas co-edited the new book, Feminist Legal History: Essays on Women and Law, with TJ Boisseau, an associate professor of gender and cultural history at the University of Akron. 


    The study of women’s legal history has been more prevalent in the field of women’s studies than in law. A few of the leading cases of women’s history like Roe v. Wade or Frontiero v. Richardson appear in cameos in constitutional law courses, but few conventional treatments of legal history include women, leaving the study of women’s issues to segregated courses on “women and the law.”  The book Feminist Legal History ambitiously seeks to change that. It hopes to integrate the learning about women and gender into the mainstream understanding of legal history. Whether the focus is tort law, constitutional law, or administrative law, women’s history offers a more complete understanding of the operation of that law and its disparate effects. As Felice Batlan, one of the contributors to this collection puts it, the goal of feminist legal history is to “engender the law,” that is, to add gender to the discussion to reframe the dominant narratives of law by offering more factually complete, if analytically complicating, understandings of it.

    Feminist Legal History’s reconceptualization of law and legal history is accomplished through a series of legal stories that few will be familiar with.

  • May 5, 2011
    BookTalk
    At the Dark End of the Street
    Black Women, Rape, and Resistance--A New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power
    By: 
    Danielle L. McGuire

    By Danielle L. McGuire, a writer and assistant professor in the history department at Wayne State University. Watch a trailer here about her new book, At the Dark End of the Street: A New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power.


    On Thursday May 12, 2011, I will help honor Rosa Parks as a champion for human dignity and pay tribute to Mrs. Recy Taylor, a living legend and civil rights heroine that most people have never heard of, at the National Press Club.

    I first met Recy Taylor while doing research for my book, At the Dark End of the Street: A New History of the Civil Rights Movement from Rosa Parks to the Rise of Black Power. For 67 years, Recy Taylor has been patiently waiting for justice. In Abbeville, Ala., in the fall of 1944, seven white men with guns and knives kidnapped and brutally assaulted her and then threatened to kill her if she told. Somehow Taylor, an African American mother and sharecropper, found the courage to tell her husband, her father, and the local sheriff the details of the assault. Taylor’s testimony was part of a longstanding tradition among African American women, who suffered similar abuses from slavery through the better part of the 20th century. A few days after Taylor’s attack, the Montgomery NAACP promised to send their very best investigator.

    Her name was Rosa Parks.