Bert Brandenburg

  • January 7, 2011
    The effort in Iowa to oust state Supreme Court justices who voted in favor of a constitutional right to same-sex marriage did not end last fall at the ballot box when voters removed three of the justices who supported equality, writes Bert Brandenburg in an op-ed for The Washington Post.

    Brandenburg, executive director of Justice at Stake, notes that organizers behind the campaign against the Iowa justices have "vowed to impeach and remove the court's four remaining justices, who weren't up for election in November."

    Brandenburg continues:

    The debate may have started over same-sex marriage, but the specter of impeachment has transformed it into an assault on constitutional government. Impeaching judges to redress political grievances would trigger a political circus that would paralyze government and undermine courts. Witch hunts against judges could also threaten state economies by driving out investments that create jobs, since businesses count on stable courts to settle disputes.

    But there are deeper reasons why Iowans and Americans elsewhere need to catch their breath and avoid waging war on the courts.

    Impeachments of judges were not designed as a tool for this kind of political disagreement, and the reason is essential to our democracy. If courts can't make tough calls, they won't be able to uphold the Constitution and protect our rights.

     

  • November 17, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Bert Brandenburg, Executive Director, Justice at Stake
    This spring, in Caperton v. Massey, the Supreme Court said that due process required a West Virginia Supreme Court justice to step aside from a case involving a supporter who'd spent $3 million to help elect him. But the 5-4 majority left minimal guidance to the states, inviting them to fill in the blanks through state court rules.

    First answers are coming from the Midwest, where divided courts have recently taken Caperton in different directions. Wisconsin's high court rejected proposals to require recusal when campaign spending reached a fixed "trigger" level. The proposal was sparked by record-breaking cash washing through the state's last three Supreme Court contests.

    But the court's 4-3 majority took a far more radical step, approving requests from two of the state's most powerful players-the Wisconsin Realtors Association and Wisconsin Manufacturers & Commerce-that no contribution or independent expenditure, no matter how large, could ever be the sole basis for recusal. In other words, if Bernie Madoff had spent $100 million to elect a Wisconsin Supreme Court justice, a victim suing him for redress couldn't point to the support and ask the justice to abstain.

    In Michigan, the state Supreme Court moved forward instead of backward. A 4-3 majority began by agreeing that a judge should be disqualified when "the judge's impartiality might objectively and reasonably be questioned" -- catching Michigan up with the vast majority of other states that have adopted this standard.

    The Wolverine State's Supreme Court went further, adopting a first-in-the-nation provision that a litigant who fails to convince a justice to recuse may appeal to the entire high court (which would have to spell out its reasoning when it decided). "Times are changing and we're becoming increasingly aware of the impact a refusal to disqualify has on the public," said Chief Justice Marilyn Kelly.

    Indeed, as spending on high court elections has more than doubled over the last decade, recusal has become a hot issue. Three in four Americans believe that campaign cash influences courtroom decisions. Caperton reaffirmed that this cash matters, and that every state must guarantee litigants a fair trial with due process, including in cases that involve major campaign spenders. And states are very much allowed to set rules that are tougher than the minimum required by constitutional due process requirements.

    Since courts typically draft their own recusal standards, watchful eyes are on states like Nevada and Washington, which are now reviewing their rules. But judges don't always get the last word. In Wisconsin, just a week after the high court's retreat, legislators passed a system for public financing of judicial elections -- a reminder that impartial justice is everyone's business.

  • July 16, 2009

    Following his participation in a panel discussion on judicial elections at the 2009 ACS National Convention, Bert Brandenburg, executive director of the Justice at Stake Campaign, talked with ACSblog about the potential impact of the recent Supreme Court decision in Caperton v. A.T. Massey on state judicial elections. In Caperton, the high court ruled that a West Virginia Supreme Court justice should have disqualified himself from hearing a case involving a campaign contributor. Watch Brandenburg's interview below or download a podcast here.