Andrew Cohen

  • May 15, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    With an increasing number of states dispensing with or reconsidering capital punishment, the Columbia Human Rights Law Review (HRLR) has released an exhaustive issue, which should push more state lawmakers to join the discussion. The HRLR issue provides compelling and highly troubling documentation of the likely wrongful 1989 Texas execution of Carlos DeLuna.

    As Andrew Cohen writes for the Atlantic the HRLR’s issue, “an astonishing blend of narrative journalism, legal research, and gumshoe detective work,” should be read, especially by Justice Antonin Scalia, who in a 2006 concurrence staunchly defended the integrity of capital punishment cases, saying they are “given especially close scrutiny at every level ….”

    Since being reinstituted in the United States, Texas has executed more inmates than all other states, except for California and Florida, where the death row populations are higher. In the last five years, however, five states have chosen to abolish capital punishment, with Connecticut the most recent. Californians in November will consider a ballot measure to end the death penalty.

    HRLR’s issue called Los Tocayos Carlos, provides a stunning account of a criminal justice system gone terribly awry, with prosecutors, witnesses, judges all faltering in ways that tragically bungled a capital punishment case. While these officials and actors ignored evidence to the contrary, the likely perpetrator, Carlos Hernandez, continued a life of violent crime after DeLuna was convicted and sitting on death row.

    In a press release about the report, Columbia Law School Professor James Liebman, and lead author of the issue, said, “Carlos DeLuna’s execution passed with little notice. No one cared enough about the defendant or the victim [Wanda Lopez stabbed to death working at a convenience mart in Corpus Christi] to make sure they caught the right guy. Everything that could go wrong in a death penalty case did go wrong for DeLuna. Sadly, DeLuna’s story is not unique. The very same factors that sent DeLuna to his death – faulty eyewitness testimony, shoddy legal representation, prosecutorial misfeasance – continue to put innocent people at risk of execution today.”

  • February 6, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A gaggle of senators, typically given to grousing about so-called activist judges, is agitating for court intervention into the president’s recent recess appointments, which The Atlantic’s Andrew Cohen highlights for its hypocrisy.

    As Cohen notes, Sens. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), John Cornyn (R-Texas), Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), Tom Coburn (R-Okla.), Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) agreed to join other senators in filing a “friend of the court brief in support of the federal legal challenges to President Obama’s recess appointments of Richard Cordray to head the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, and three selections to the National Labor Relations Board. On Friday the senators issued a letter about their intent to file the brief, which will argue that the appointments are unconstitutional.

    All of those senators, members of the Senate Judiciary Committee, have at one time or another expressed outrage over judges who supposedly legislate from the bench. So Cohen finds “something deliciously hypocritical” of their call for a federal court to take action and nullify the president’s recess appointments.  

    Cohen has some advice on how Democrats should respond to the Republicans’ call for judicial action over the administration’s recess appointments, writing, “If I were a Democrat in the Senate, or a White House tribune, I would be responding to the GOP lawsuit letter by loudly doubling down on the concept of having judges determine political procedure. Republicans want the courts involved in recess appointments? Fine. Then they should embrace the notion that the federal courts ought to decide whether the filibuster is constitutional was well. After all, it has less explicit constitutional support than a recess appointment, does it not?”

    Since it is likely that the Republican senators do not actually want judges determining the constitutionality of recess appointments or wading into the Senate’s use of the filibuster, they might more seriously focus on reforming procedure. Indeed it was the Senate Republican’s stalling tactics on Cordray’s nomination and the selections to the NLRB that prompted the recess appointments.

  • January 18, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Hardly shocking is the report from the Brookings Institution’s Russell Wheeler that shows vacancies on the federal bench have jumped during President Obama’s tenure.

    As Senate Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy has noted time and again, obstruction in the Senate of judicial selections has intensified. (At the end of December, as Congress was leaving town, Leahy said in a press statement that for the “last three years, dozens of judicial nominations have been delayed in the Senate. In fact, nearly 20 judicial nominations pending and stalled before the Senate should be confirmed when the body resumes session in January. This would lower the current number of vacancies by nearly 25 percent. The Senate has a constitutional responsibility to provide its advice and consent in the confirmation of federal judges. Only then can the judiciary fulfill its own constitutional role.”)

    As it stands now, according to JudicialNominations.org, there are 85 vacancies on the federal bench, and caseloads are growing.

    Wheeler’s report, however, is not focused on assigning blame. Instead it provides a detailed examination of the Obama administration’s efforts to shape the federal bench, in part, by drawing comparisons with Obama’s predecessors at similar times in their presidencies.

    For example, compared with Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, Obama has made fewer nominations to the district court. But as The Wall Street Journal Law Blog’s Joe Palazzolo notes, “Obama is also dealing with a surge of judges taking senior status (92 in the first three years, compared to 72 and 70 in the same periods in the administrations of Clinton and Bush) and the Senate has confirmed a lower percentage of Obama’s nominees, according to Wheeler.”

    Moreover, the time for attaining confirmation has by “almost all measures … gotten progressively longer – by average days or median days,” Wheeler reports. The president’s nominees, he shows, have gotten hearings before the Senate Judiciary Committee in a quicker fashion, but “have waited, longer, overall for confirmation.”

    One bright spot in the judicial nominations process centers on the diversity of nominees. Wheeler, like others, notes that Obama has “appointed record proportions of non-white males.”

    He continues:

    All of Dwight Eisenhower’s district and circuit appointees were white males. For the Kennedy Johnson administration, the figure fell to 93 per cent, for Carter to 66 percent, up to 86 percent under Reagan, 53 percent under Clinton, 66 percent under Bush2, and 38 percent under Obama.

    Appointments of Asian-Americans have been especially noticeable. Of the 24 appointments of Asian Americans to federal district and circuit judgeships in total, Obama has made eight – and three Asian-American nominees are awaiting Senate action.

    An attempt, however, at providing much needed diversity to the bench remains ensnared in Senate obstructionism.

    Andrew Cohen, of the Atlantic, has written, on numerous occasions, about the nomination of Arvo Mikkanen to a federal judgeship in Oklahoma. Mikkanen, an American Indian, was nominated to the seat well over a year ago, but his nomination has been stalled by Sen. Tom Coburn, who has given no indication as to why he is blocking the nomination. He’s only said, as Cohen notes, that he knows plenty about the nominee.