American Bar Association

  • May 4, 2011

    EDITOR'S NOTE: This is part of a series of posts about the proposed Sunshine in Litigation Act of 2011. Read guest posts debating the bill here.


    Tomorrow the Senate Judiciary Committee will consider the “Sunshine in Litigation Act of 2011,” relating to the disclosure of information relevant to public health or safety that surfaces in civil actions. The bill’s merits have been discussed at length in an ACSblog guest blog post from the American Bar Association (ABA) President Stephen N. Zack and two guest posts from Richard Zitrin, lecturer in law at the University of California, Hastings College of the Law.

    In his guest post, Zack faulted the bill, S. 623, as poorly thought out, and one that would, if enacted, greatly hinder the ability of Americans to access the courts. “The ABA is deeply concerned that seeking a day in court will become a luxury item if courts and cases can’t operate with greater efficiency and speed. Problems with federal judicial vacancies and court underfunding already wreak havoc with case schedules and the resulting time it takes to resolve a dispute. These expensive new rules would cost everyone, and make access justice even more of a luxury item.”

    Zitrin in his initial guest post lauded the bill as a long overdue measure to ensure that information about defective products and drugs discovered during civil cases becomes quickly available to the public. In a response to Zack’s criticism of the measure, Zitrin followed up with this guest post, faulting the criticism for missing the point and for not addressing the substantive issue the measure is intended to address.

    Thomas M. Susman, director of the ABA’s Governmental Affairs Office told ACSblog, “Professor Zitrin recently mistakenly wrote that the ABA does not have substantial objections to S. 623, the Sunshine in Litigation Act. In fact, today the ABA sent a detailed letter outlining its serious concerns regarding the impact of this bill.”

    The ABA’s letter to the Senate Judiciary Committee is available here.

    The 12-page letter to the Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy and Ranking Member Charles Grassley builds the case that the Sunshine in Litigation Act, like similar efforts before it, would amend current civil procedural rules to the detriment of litigants and cases.

    The letter reads, in part:

    Bills that would amend the Civil Rules to regulate the issuance of protective orders in discovery, similar to S. 623, have been introduced regularly since 1991. Like S. 623, these proposed bills would require courts to make particularized findings of fact that a discovery protective order would not restrict the disclosure of information relevant to the protection of public health and safety.

  • May 3, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Stephen N. Zack, President, American Bar Association. This is the second in a series of posts about the proposed Sunshine in Litigation Act of 2011. Read other posts in a debate about the bill here.


    If you were going to change the rules to a game to make them fairer, wouldn’t you ask the referees what they thought?

    Unfortunately, Congress has not. They are considering changes to important rules regarding litigation.  Disregarding the longstanding, successful process of court rules-making, however, this bill undercuts the third branch of government, threatens to raise court costs, and may even close off access to justice. All this without accomplishing what it really intends to do.

    It’s ironic that something called the “Sunshine in Litigation Act” doesn't involve the judiciary, in order to shed light on the issue. Judges know what problems exist in their courts and are best positioned to solve them. That’s why it is usually a wise, standard procedure to have the third branch of government set rules that address issues in the courts. But this measure avoids what usually works well, and instead would issue a legislative fiat about discovery protective orders. 

    If the courts were consulted, it would quickly become clear that the bill language is dangerously unclear and broad. As two Judicial Conference committees write in their letter of opposition to the Senate, Congress’ demands would lead to more confusion, not less, regarding what information has to be released, and when “…The provisions defining the scope of S 623 are problematic,” the conference warns, adding the standard in the law “is so broad and indefinite that it will either sweep up many cases having little to do with public health or safety and impose on all these cases the costly and time-consuming requirements of S. 623, or require the parties and court to spend extensive time and resources litigating whether the statute applies.”

    So, what is clear is that each court case falling under the shadow of these new rules would cost every party more time and money.

  • August 11, 2010
    Dubbing it "the country's largest lawyers' group," The Associated Press notes the American Bar Association's approval of a resolution urging "state, territorial, and tribal governments to eliminate all of their legal barriers to civil marriage between two persons of the same sex who are otherwise eligible to marry."

    Stephen P. Younger, president of the New York State Bar Association, which sponsored the marriage equality resolution, told the AP that the vote in favor of the resolution was overwhelming.

    The ABA resolution (pdf) states in part:

    The states that have decided to allow same-sex couples to marry have done so because of their recognition that the denial of marriage violates the constitutional rights of gay and lesbian citizens and their understanding that families and children are vulnerable without the protections of marriage. This proposed recommendation will signal the ABA's support for the extension of equal marriage rights to same-sex couples under state, territorial, and tribal law, as consistent with our country's constitutional principles of equal protection and due process, as well as states' strong interest in protecting and fostering the family unit.

    Excluding same-sex couples from the right to marry has the practical impact of denying them and their children a host of rights and responsibilities that exist under both state and federal law. State protections automatically extended to married spouses include the ability to make health care decisions for one's spouse, the right to direct the remains of a deceased spouse and inherit from his or her estate absent a will, the security of being able to provide health insurance for one's spouse, and the peace of mind knowing that both adults' relationships with children born to the couple will be protected.

    Connecticut, Iowa, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Washington, D.C., allow same-sex marriages, other states, such as Maryland, recognize gay marriages from those states.

    The ABA's resolution follows on the heels of a federal court judge's invalidation of California's Proposition 8, which stripped lesbians and gay men of the right to wed in the state.

  • August 10, 2010

    Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg called for greater Senate cooperation in confirming judicial nominees during the American Bar Association's annual meeting, the San Francisco Chronicle reports.

    "With ABA encouragement, may the U.S. Senate someday return to the collegial, bipartisan spirit that Justice Breyer and I had the good fortune to experience," Ginsburg said, in accepting the ABA's highest honor, the ABA Medal.

    Ginsburg recalled her own confirmation processes to both the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia and the Supreme Court. She said her confirmation initially looked uncertain because she had worked as a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union, but that once the ABA certified her with its highest rating, "well-qualified," she was "invulnerable to attack as unfit for appointment," the Chronicle reports.

    In 1993, she was confirmed to the high court by a Senate vote of 96-3, in contrast to the vote to confirm Kagan 63-37. Both Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan also received top ABA ratings, but they were confirmed largely along party lines, the Chronicle reports.

    In the lower federal courts, there are now 100 vacancies out of 867 seats on the federal bench.

    "We're at a point of unprecedented partisanship and bitter feuding between the two parties over judicial nominees at a level that has never happened before. And the impact is that you have nominees who are languishing for months and some of them for over a year," ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson told NPR in a report on Senate obstruction of judicial nominations.

    "If the Senate continues to move at this "glacial pace," a system that is "already overburdened" will come to a "grinding halt," Fredrickson wrote in a column for The Huffington Post earlier this month.

    Most recently, the Senate blocked the votes of law professor Goodwin Liu and San Francisco magistrate Edward Chen, both of whom are highly rated by the ABA, the Chronicle reports.

    Visit JudicialNominations.org to track nominations and get more information about the process.