Administrative law

  • February 1, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Adam Winkler, a constitutional law professor at UCLA School of Law. 
    Judge Vinson's opinion striking down the Affordable Care Act was remarkable for the ease with which it jettisoned two centuries of settled law. Ever since McCulloch v. Maryland, the Supreme Court has held that the Necessary and Proper Clause gives Congress the authority to reach matters otherwise beyond the strict confines of Congress's enumerated powers. Yet Judge Vinson - like Judge Hudson in the Virginia decision several weeks ago - effectively reads the Necessary and Proper Clause out of the Constitution.

    Vinson's logic goes like this. The minimum insurance requirement, he says, falls outside of Congress's power to regulate "commerce . . . among the several states" because it regulates inactivity, rather than activity. Of course, nowhere in the text of the Constitution is Congress's authority limited to regulating activity, but ignore that for the moment. Because Congress doesn't have power under the Commerce Clause to require taxpayers to purchase insurance, the Necessary and Proper Clause can't be used to justify the law either.

    The judge's decision can't deny that the insurance requirement is necessary. Indeed, it is so central to this comprehensive health insurance regulation that he held the whole law had to be struck down. The problem, he says, is that the minimum coverage provision isn't "proper" because it falls outside of Congress's powers under the Commerce Clause.

    If Vinson's tautology were applied to past Necessary and Proper Clause cases, they would come out the other way. In McCulloch, the law chartering a federal bank would be invalidated because Congress doesn't have any explicit power to charter a bank. In Gonzales v. Raich the Court upheld a federal ban on homegrown marijuana because, Justice Scalia's influential concurring opinion explained, it was an essential piece of a comprehensive regulation of a market - even though the growing of marijuana for personal use was beyond the reach of the Commerce Clause. Vinson's reasoning would mandate the opposite result. And just last term, the Supreme Court held in United States v. Comstock that the Necessary and Proper Clause empowered Congress to detain certain sex offenders even though, again, doing so was outside of any other enumerated powers.

    The basic purpose of the Necessary and Proper Clause is to give Congress the choice of means it can use to make a regulation of, say, interstate commerce effective. That is exactly what the minimum coverage requirement does. There's no doubt that the Affordable Care Act is a broad, comprehensive regulation of the health insurance market. Requiring individuals to finance their own medical expenses is closely and directly tied to the viability of that broader regulation. That's why it is both necessary and proper, however those terms are defined.

  • January 31, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Simon Lazarus, Public Policy Counsel for the National Senior Citizens Law Center, and author of the ACS Issue Brief, "Mandatory Health Insurance: Is it Constitutional?"
    Today's decision in Florida federal district court striking down the Affordable Care Act in its entirety would effectively shred the Constitution as it has been interpreted, applied, and endorsed across a broad ideological spectrum for the last three-quarters of a century - since the New Deal - and, actually, dating back to Chief Justice John Marshall's expansive interpretations of the constitutional provisions directly at issue here. This decision, along with Judge Henry E. Hudson's recent decision to strike essential parts of the ACA, exhume the long-dead and discredited doctrines that the pre-New Deal Supreme Court deployed to overturn laws that prohibited child labor, prescribed minimum wage levels and maximum hours.

    Among those who have joined in rejecting the century-old, long-defunct decisions on which Judge Roger Vinson's decision rests, are Justices Scalia, Kennedy, and Chief Justice Roberts. They will have to twist their prior decisions and statements into pretzels in order to rule the individual mandate or other ACA provisions unconstitutional.

    Specifically:

  • January 20, 2011
    BookTalk

    By Benjamin Ross and Steven Amter. Ross is president and Amter is senior environmental scientist at Disposal Safety Incorporated, a consulting firm in Washington, D.C.


    Is regulatory capture inevitable? Our new history of environmental regulation, The Polluters, says no. Frequent, yes, but by no means unavoidable.

    Conflict over pollution control follows a long-standing pattern that goes back to the 1920s and before. No force of nature makes regulators do the bidding of those they are supposed to oversee. Nor is it the effect of some vague intellectual influence. Direct political and economic pressure, it turns out again and again, has been the cause of capture.

    Industrial polluters were challenged early on by conservation groups and affected economic interests. Competition in the political sphere was mirrored by conflicts among government agencies. From the beginning, many regulators tried to enforce environmental controls. Almost invariably before the regulatory revolution of the 1970s, and not infrequently since, they were the victims of political decisions that deprived them of needed legal authority or transferred their functions to more pliant organizations.

    The New York Harbor Act of 1888 and the Rivers and Harbors Act of 1899 put the first federal controls over water pollution in the hands of the Army Corps of Engineers. When oil slicks plagued coastal waters after World War I, the Corps called for federal regulation of mines and factories as well as ships at sea. Lobbying by the American Petroleum Institute, backed by Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover, convinced Congress that only marine vessels should be regulated under the Oil Pollution Act of 1924.

    By the 1930s, the Food and Drug Administration was pushing the limits of its authority over pesticides. Its seizures of apples contaminated with lead arsenate ran into trouble in court - under the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906, food sellers charged with violating concentration limits could question the science behind the limits as a defense - so the FDA started a study. But the experiment was halted with the slaughter of five thousand rats when the House Appropriations Committee cut off funding. Felix Wormser, a lead industry lobbyist who is known to history for his efforts to stop publication of warnings against the use of lead paint on cribs and toys, suggested transferring the money to the Industrial Hygiene Division of the Public Health Service. This organization, whose head had earlier vouched for the safety of leaded gasoline and suppressed reports of Black Lung disease, recommended a doubling of the allowable arsenic in food and a tripling of the lead limit.

  • November 9, 2010

    In his new book, Yale Law Professor Douglas Kysar challenges the United States' current approach to regulating the environment, suggesting a new model that deemphasizes cost-benefit analysis.

    During an ACS event focused on the book, Regulating from Nowhere: Environmental Law and the Search for Objectivity, panelists took a step back from the usual debates about particular environmental issues and engaged in a philosophical discussion about whether our current models for setting environmental policy can actually reflect our ideals.

    "Much of environmental health and safety law is being confused and distorted by applying that wrong lens and so its aims are being misunderstood," Kysar said during the panel discussion, explaining that the current welfare economics approach "condemns laws without really understanding what it is they're intended to do."

    He explained that the cost-benefit analyses policy-makers use to set, for example, acceptable levels of pollutants start with flawed assumptions. One such assumption is that U.S. policies will never affect other nations' policies, obscuring the likelihood that a major shift in U.S. policy would cause other countries to follow suit.

    "I think that today we are at the threshold of an era where we absolutely have to think of planetary governance to an extent," said Sheila Jasanoff, a professor of science and technology studies at the Harvard Kennedy School.

    Jasanoff suggested that we are currently entering a "constitutional moment," in which we will reconsider our constitutional principles in light of our understanding that regulating our environment and our health is a global issue.

    "I think that the question for law that rises and rises is sort of played out in different harmonies throughout Doug's book is what role does American constitutional law have in charting the course toward this new era in which we have to think of supranational governance," Jasanoff said.

    Watch the full discussion below.

  • September 9, 2010

    Two days after U.S. District Court Judge Royce Lamberth refused to stay his order blocking federal funding for embryonic stem cell research, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit granted the Obama administration's emergency request for a stay.

    In its order, the court used "standard language" indicating that the stay would give the court time to consider the merits of the motion, and should not be read as a ruling on the merits, The Blog of the Legal Times reports. The court set deadlines for the plaintiffs to respond to the stay request, and for a Department of Justice rebuttal.

    In its request for a stay, the administration argued that "[d]isruption of ongoing research will result in irreparable setbacks and, in many cases, may destroy a project altogether," and that the injunction is at odds with the intent of Congress when it passed the law, Reuters reports.

    Law and biosciences expert Hank Greely wrote in an ACSblog post that Judge Lamberth's initial opinion was "disappointingly bad," and predicted that the D.C. Circuit would first stay the order and then reverse it.