9-11 at 10

  • August 30, 2011
    Guest Post

    By David Cole, a professor at Georgetown University Law Center. Professor Cole was counsel for the Humanitarian Law Project in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project and will be a panelist during an ACS Symposium this Thursday on legal policy shifts in the ten years since 9/11. Learn more about the symposium here.


    In the early days after September 11, some commentators argued that while we had sacrificed greatly in terms of privacy and other rights, at least the First Amendment remained strong. Unlike World War I, for example, people were free to express their opposition to the “war on terror” without fear of being sentenced to ten years in prison, as Eugene Victor Debs was in 1918. But maybe World War I was not the right benchmark.  In at least one significant area -- speech and association deemed to provide “material support” to terrorist groups -- our First Amendment rights are considerably less robust in the wake of 9/11 than they were before. And the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision upholding as constitutional the Bush and Obama administrations’ overly broad interpretation of that law sets dangerous precedents for speech rights in the future.

    The “material support” law gives the executive the power to designate as a “foreign terrorist organization” any group that is foreign, has used or threatened to use a weapon against person or property, and whose activities undermine our “national defense, foreign relations, or economic interests.” The last criterion, the courts have said, is not judicially reviewable. Once a group has been designated, the law makes it a crime to provide it with virtually any kind of assistance, regardless of the intent or likely effect of the aid on terrorism. The law defines “material support” broadly to include pure speech advocating only lawful, peaceful activity, including “expert advice” or “training” of any kind. 

  • August 29, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Geoffrey R. Stone, a constitutional law professor at the University of Chicago, and chair of the American Constitution Society’s Board of Directors. Professor Stone will be a panelist during an ACS Symposium this Thursday on legal policy shifts in the ten years since 9/11. Register for the symposium here.


    War inevitably intensifies the tension between individual liberty and national security. But there are wise and unwise ways to strike the appropriate balance. In the years after 9/11, the Bush administration embraced a series of policies — including torture, surveillance of private communications, clandestine detention of American citizens, and secret prisons in Eastern Europe — that undermined the fundamental American values of individual dignity, personal privacy, and due process of law.

    In my view, however, the most dangerous policy of the Bush administration was its attempt to hide its decisions from the American public. In an effort to evade the constraints of separation of powers, judicial review, checks and balances, and democratic accountability, the Bush administration systematically promulgated its policies in secret, denied information to Congress, abused the classification process, narrowly interpreted the Freedom of Information Act, punished government whistleblowers, jailed journalists for refusing to disclose their confidential sources, threatened to prosecute the press for revealing the administration’s secret programs, and broadly invoked executive immunity and the state secrets doctrine to prevent both Congress and the courts from evaluating the lawfulness of its programs.

    By shielding its decisions from legal, congressional, and public scrutiny, the Bush administration undermined the single most central premise of a self-governing society: it is the citizens who must evaluate the judgments, policies, and programs of their representatives. As James Madison observed, “A popular Government, without popular information, or the means of acquiring it, is but a Prologue to a Farce or a Tragedy; or, perhaps both.”