October 2011

  • October 7, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The nation lost more than a visionary corporate leader this week, but a towering figure of the civil rights movement, the Rev. Fred L. Shuttlesworth.

    The New York Times notes, Shuttlesworth, who died at 89 on Oct. 5 in Birmingham, Ala., was a “storied civil rights leader who survived beatings and bombings in Alabama a half-century ago as he fought alongside the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.” (Shuttlesworth is pictured, third from right, with former members of the ACS Student Chapter at Stanford Law School.)

    In Birmingham in 1963, the newspaper continues, “Shuttlesworth, an important ally of Dr. King, organized two tumultuous weeks of daily demonstrations by black children, students, clergymen and others against a rigidly segregated society.”

    The brutality unleashed against the demonstrators led by the city’s racist “public safety commissioner” Bull Connor helped “galvanize the nation’s conscience,” and along with other tragic events helped lead to the passage of the Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act.

    Diane McWhorter, author of Carry Me Home, told The Times, “Among the youthful ‘elders’ of the movement, he was Martin Luther King’s most effective foil; blunt where King was soothing, driven where King was leisurely, and most important, confrontational where King was conciliatory – meaning, critically, that he was more upsetting than King in the eyes of the white public.”  

  • October 7, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    On Wednesday, the U.S. Supreme Court will consider the rights of a New Jersey man whose drive home with his pregnant wife and four-year-old son ended in an invasive strip search at the jailhouse and seven days behind bars.

    The plaintiff in this case, Albert W. Florence, tells the story of his wrongful arrest and subsequent treatment, in a podcast from the National Constitution Center and the American Constitution Society.

    “Even thinking about it and even speaking about it still brings me, you know, chills,” Florence explains in “The Story Behind Florence v. Burlington.”

    Florence's lawyer, Susan Chana Lask, recalls their momentous success at the district court level challenging the jail's blanket strip-search policy, and their loss on appeal. And Angela Davis, a law professor at American University, explains just what Florence is asking the Supreme Court to decide.

    “He and his lawyers are not saying that prison officials should not have the right to search, even strip search, individuals who come into a criminal facility,” says Davis. “What they’re saying is there must be a reason.”

    Part oral history, part legal commentary, this five-minute podcast is the first in a series that reveals the voices behind seminal Supreme Court cases. Watch Florence's story below, in advance of oral argument in the case, Florence v. Board of Chosen Freeholders of the County of Burlington, Oct. 12.

  • October 6, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    If only the populace had a better understanding of how the American government system is supposed to function, there would be a lot less complaining about inaction in Washington on a host of pressing national concerns, such as the expanding gap between the nation’s wealthiest and everyone else.

    In a Senate hearing two of the high court’s longest serving members, Justices Antonin Scalia and Stephen Breyer, attempted to educate the public on the structure of the federal government and the role the judiciary plays.

    The two justices hold different views on how to perform their jobs, which involves a heavy amount of constitutional interpretation. But during the event, those differences were only fleetingly touched upon by the justices. More often than not it appeared Breyer and Scalia were intent on showing Congress just how wonderfully a Republican-appointed justice and a Democratic-appointed justice can get along.

    Scalia, however, in his opening remarks loudly proclaimed that the other two branches of the government, legislative and executive, despite the appearances of constant rancor and little accomplishment, are performing just as the nation’s founders had planned.

    The country, Scalia said, needs to learn to love the dysfunction, “to learn to love the gridlock." It’s what the founders wanted. Such sentiment that the federal government is working when not working is popular with Tea Party activists and libertarians, but likely tiresome for large numbers of Americans who have seen nothing but dysfunction and gridlock on Capitol Hill. But again, Scalia faulted Americans for failing to appreciate the dysfunction, for “they don’t understand the genius of our Constitution.”

    He noted that’s why he does so much speaking to students about the Constitution, since “we are not teaching it very well.”

    Breyer, did not claim Americans should embrace gridlock, but he essentially agreed with Scalia that civics is poorly taught to the nation’s youngsters, noting retired Justice Sandra Day O’Connor’s ongoing work promoting civics education.

    Indeed the two justices rarely disagreed during the two-hour plus hearing. Instead the Atlantic’s Andrew Cohen pretty much nailed it, writing, “They came. They kibitzed. They tossed out fluffy platitudes about judicial restraint and constitutional boundaries.”   

    Near the end of the hearing Sen. Jeff Sessions tossed a rhetorical question to Scalia about how the Constitution should be interpreted.

    Moving into the subject, Scalia said that “the controversial nature of recent confirmation proceedings is attributable to some extent to the doctrine of the living Constitution, because when you indeed have a Supreme Court that believes that the Constitution means what it ought to mean in today’s times, it seems to me a very question for the Senate to ask, or for the president to ask when he selects the nominee, ‘what kind of a new Constitution would you write?’ You know, ‘Do you believe this new right is there or this old right isn’t there?’ That seems to me … It’s much less important whether the person is a good lawyer, whether the person has a judicial temperament, what’s most important is, ‘What kind of a new constitution are you gonna write?’ And that’s crazy; it’s like having a mini constitutional convention every time you select a new judge. So I’m hopeful the living constitution will die.”

    Breyer responded, saying he would like the senators to think of John Marshall’s famous words, "‘It is a Constitution that we are expounding.’ And he’s thinking that document has to last us for 200 years. And as I say, that doesn’t mean you change the words, but the hardest problem in real cases is that the words, ‘life,’ ‘liberty,’ or ‘property,’ do not explain themselves, ‘liberty.’ Nor does ‘the freedom of speech,’ say specifically what counts as ‘the freedom of speech.’"

    Applying the Constitution’s values to ever-changing situations, therefore, cannot be done by a computer. It calls for some human judgment, Breyer said. Watch video of the hearing below or by clicking here.

  • October 6, 2011
    Guest Post

    Editor’s Note: This is the final post in an ACSblog debate on antitrust scrutiny of Google between Harvard Business School Professor Benjamin G. Edelman and George Mason University School of Law Professor Joshua D. Wright. This online debate follows a recent U.S. Senate hearing on whether Google’s business practices “serve consumers” or “threaten competition.” See all the posts here.


    By Joshua D. Wright, Professor of Law, George Mason University School of Law


    Professor Edelman’s opening post does little to support his case.  Instead, it reflects the same retrograde antitrust I criticized in my first post.

    Edelman’s understanding of antitrust law and economics appears firmly rooted in the 1960s approach to antitrust in which enforcement agencies, courts, and economists vigorously attacked novel business arrangements without regard to their impact on consumers.  Judge Learned Hand’s infamous passage in the Alcoa decision comes to mind as an exemplar of antitrust’s bad old days when the antitrust laws demanded that successful firms forego opportunities to satisfy consumer demand.  Hand wrote:

    we can think of no more effective exclusion than progressively to embrace each new opportunity as it opened, and to face every newcomer with new capacity already geared into a great organization, having the advantage of experience, trade connections and the elite of personnel.

    Antitrust has come a long way since then.  By way of contrast, today’s antitrust analysis of alleged exclusionary conduct begins with (ironically enough) the U.S. v. Microsoft decision.  Microsoft emphasizes the difficulty of distinguishing effective competition from exclusionary conduct; but it also firmly places “consumer welfare” as the lodestar of the modern approach to antitrust:

    Whether any particular act of a monopolist is exclusionary, rather than merely a form of vigorous competition, can be difficult to discern: the means of illicit exclusion, like the means of legitimate competition, are myriad.  The challenge for an antitrust court lies in stating a general rule for distinguishing between exclusionary acts, which reduce social welfare, and competitive acts, which increase it.  From a century of case law on monopolization under § 2, however, several principles do emerge.  First, to be condemned as exclusionary, a monopolist's act must have an "anticompetitive effect.”  That is, it must harm the competitive process and thereby harm consumers.  In contrast, harm to one or more competitors will not suffice.

    Nearly all antitrust commentators agree that the shift to consumer-welfare focused analysis has been a boon for consumers.  Unfortunately, Edelman’s analysis consists largely of complaints that would have satisfied courts and agencies in the 1960s but would not do so now that the focus has turned to consumer welfare rather than indirect complaints about market structure or the fortunes of individual rivals. 

  • October 6, 2011
    Guest Post

    Editor’s Note: This is the third post in an ACSblog debate on antitrust scrutiny of Google between Harvard Business School Professor Benjamin G. Edelman and George Mason University School of Law Professor Joshua D. Wright. This online debate follows a recent U.S. Senate hearing on whether Google’s business practices “serve consumers” or “threaten competition.”


    By Benjamin G. Edelman, Assistant Professor, Harvard Business School


    Professor Wright questions whether Google biases results towards its own services, and asks whether consumers are harmed even if Google does bias its results.  I don’t find these questions so difficult, and while Professor Wright suggests we’d struggle to identify appropriate remedies, I see some straightforward solutions.

    Let’s start with the question of whether Google biases its results towards its own services.  On a whim, I ran a search for pop superstar Justin Bieber.  Google’s top-most link promoted Google News (in oversized bold type).  Down a few inches came a “Videos” section where three thumbnails and three video titles all linked to YouTube clips.  (Less prominent links identified other services showing these same videos – links added only after critics flagged the problem of Google always directing this traffic to its own video site.)  Lower, Google presented a block of Google Images results.  In the analogous context of extra-prominent links to Google Finance, Google’s Marissa Mayer argued that the company should be permitted to put its own links first.  “It seems only fair right, we do all the work for the search page and all these other things, so we do put it first.”  Marissa doesn’t dispute that Google favors its own links – and she couldn’t, when Google’s links widely appear in prominent ways no other service enjoys.

    And what of the consequences of Google’s bias?  Professor Wright posits an “efficient bias” wherein Google usefully offers consumers its full suite of services.  Certainly it’s handy to have a single Google password providing access to personalized search, finance, videos, and more.  But this misses the serious harms of Google’s ever-broadening panoply of services.