By Michael A. Bailey, a government professor at Georgetown University and Forrest Maltzman, a political science professor at George Washington University.
When asked to comment on Scalia’s jurisprudence, Richard Posner recently said “I don’ think he or anyone can derive results in difficult, emotionally charged cases from the constitutional text.”
When former future President Rick Perry turned his attention to the court, he wrote that it “adheres to the Constitution in appearance only and as a matter of necessity, finding in it or in previous case law the single nugget around which the court can marginally justify its policy choice to keep up the pretense of actually caring one iota about the Constitution in the first place.”
Add these to the pile of support for Segal and Spaeth’s attitudinal model which posits justices simply vote their unconstrained policy preferences.
But has skepticism about law on the Court gone too far? Are justices really unconstrained?

ling string of state efforts to further restrict abortion, citing as one of the most egregious a North Carolina law that required physicians to encourage pregnant women seeking an abortion to view ultrasound images of their fetuses. (Yesterday, U.S. District Judge Catherine Eagle issued a preliminary injunction of that portion of the law. The law was enacted over the opposition of the state Gov. Beverly Perdue, who 
ed economy. It reflects a wider crisis that touches every community in our nation. Facing a 10 percent budget cut, the Shawnee County District Attorney’s office recently announced that inadequate resources meant cases like domestic violence would no longer be prosecuted at the county level. In early October (Domestic Violence Awareness Month, incidentally) the Topeka City Council voted to decriminalize misdemeanor domestic battery. 