October 2011

  • October 27, 2011
    BookTalk
    The Constrained Court
    Law, Politics, and the Decisions Justices Make
    By: 
    Michael A. Bailey and Forrest Maltzman

    By Michael A. Bailey, a government professor at Georgetown University  and Forrest Maltzman, a political science professor at George Washington University.


    When asked to comment on Scalia’s jurisprudence, Richard Posner recently said “I don’ think he or anyone can derive results in difficult, emotionally charged cases from the constitutional text.” 

    When former future President Rick Perry turned his attention to the court, he wrote that it “adheres to the Constitution in appearance only and as a matter of necessity, finding in it or in previous case law the single nugget around which the court can marginally justify its policy choice to keep up the pretense of actually caring one iota about the Constitution in the first place.”

    Add these to the pile of support for Segal and Spaeth’s attitudinal model which posits justices simply vote their unconstrained policy preferences.

    But has skepticism about law on the Court gone too far? Are justices really unconstrained?

  • October 26, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Making life impossible for others is sometimes just not enough. There’s a desire among some zealots to also make it miserable.

    For example, the right to an abortion is a privacy right protected by the Constitution. But a number of states this year have bowed to the pressure of special interest groups, many of them Religious Right outfits, to enact laws restricting the ability of women to obtain abortions. But, as reported by The New York Times, a group called Personhood USA is trumpeting measures that would give legal rights to embryos that would effectively brand “abortion and some forms of birth control as murder.”

    In Mississippi, as the newspaper notes, it is already nearly impossible for a woman to obtain an abortion. And because of the push by Personhood USA, Mississippians will vote in November on a proposed constitutional amendment providing an embryo the same rights as a human.  

    Personhood USA’s website reveals that its ballot initiative drive is invasive – it’s apparently being pushed in “all 50 states.” The group’s website also reveals this is yet another Christian Right effort to limit other people’s rights. (Many of the efforts to defeat marriage quality are driven by Religious Right activists.) Personhood USA states on its About Us, page, that it is “working to respect the God-given right to life by recognizing all human beings as persons who are ‘created in the image of God’ from the beginning of their biological development, without exceptions.”

    Personhood USA, moreover, “desires to glorify Jesus Christ in a way that creates a culture of life so that all innocent human lives are protected by love and by law.”

    Civil liberties groups are not knocking the free speech or religious liberty rights of Personhood USA, but many are attacking its effort to circumvent Supreme Court opinions that have upheld the right to abortion.

    Nancy Northrup, head of the Center for Reproductive Rights, told the newspaper, “This is the most extreme in a field of extreme anti-abortion measures that have been before the states this year.”

    In an interview with ACSblog, earlier this year, the ACLU’s Louise Melling noted the troubling string of state efforts to further restrict abortion, citing as one of the most egregious a North Carolina law that required physicians to encourage pregnant women seeking an abortion to view ultrasound images of their fetuses. (Yesterday, U.S. District Judge Catherine Eagle issued a preliminary injunction of that portion of the law. The law was enacted over the opposition of the state Gov. Beverly Perdue, who called it an extreme measure that interfered with the doctor-patient relationship, The Associated Press reported.)   

    Former U.S. Solicitor General Walter Dellinger (pictured), during this year’s ACS National Convention, also took a shot at state laws requiring doctors to try and influence a woman’s decision to have an abortion.

    Dellinger said, “We hear the talks about government intrusions into health care – that this represents an extraordinary step about liberty. And I just cannot, any longer, refrain from making the observation that it is really ironic and disturbing to hear that liberty lecture come from people talking about [a] government takeover of medical care, many of whom would legislate the imposition upon women of unnecessary waiting periods, government scripted lectures, compulsory sonogram viewings, and government mandated unsafe medical procedures.”

  • October 25, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Care about the Constitution? That’s easy; but the best way to show your affection for the document is to start caring about the courts, asserts University of Georgia Law Professor Sonja West in a column for Slate.

    West notes a growing ideological “imbalance” on the federal courts, due in part to Democrats’ “lack of concern about or willingness to fight for judicial nominees.”

    “This growing imbalance shouldn’t just worry progressives,” West writes. “It should alarm anyone who believes a range of voices on the courts is essential.”

    Progressives, she writes, are focused on legislative change rather than judicial nominations. But legislative “so-called victories” are “ephemeral” if judges strike down new laws, strip our agencies of the power to enforce laws, and roll back constitutional rights, West explains.

    While Democrats have been mesmerized by the shiny lights of Congress, much has changed. The “status quo” simply isn’t the status quo anymore. Many of the left’s most treasured rights have been quietly yet greatly eroded, and those that remain are far more precarious than many realize. The constitutional right promised in Roe v. Wade has been whittled away to a mere illusion for many women and to nothing at all in some states. The beloved Brown v. Board of Education ruling has been significantly narrowed to mean school districts can be legally prohibited from ensuring racially integrated classrooms. Affirmative action has all but disappeared except in very narrow circumstances.

    Earlier this year, Republican obstruction blocked the confirmation of then-UC Berkeley law professor Goodwin Liu to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit (he has since been confirmed to the California Supreme Court). Now, Obama has nominated a new candidate, Paul Watford, to that court.

    This time, West suggests, Democrats must keep consistent pressure on their senators until Watford and the other 45 pending nominees get a confirmation vote, donning bumper stickers that say, “It’s the courts, stupid!”

    “It took decades for Republicans to build the court system now in place, and it may take many years to rebalance it,” West writes. “But the time to start is yesterday.”

  • October 25, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Wm. T. (Bill) Robinson III.  The author (pictured) is president of the American Bar Association and member-in-charge of the Northern Kentucky offices of Frost Brown Todd, LLC.


    It is a shocking and deeply worrisome story that says everything about our beleaguered economy.  It reflects a wider crisis that touches every community in our nation. Facing a 10 percent budget cut, the Shawnee County District Attorney’s office recently announced that inadequate resources meant cases like domestic violence would no longer be prosecuted at the county level. In early October (Domestic Violence Awareness Month, incidentally) the Topeka City Council voted to decriminalize misdemeanor domestic battery. 

    At first glance, this may seem like an isolated case. It is not. Across our nation, our justice system is in crisis -- it is being starved.

    Last year, the American Bar Association created the Task Force on Preservation of the Justice System,co-chaired by Theodore Olson and David Boies. Under their bi-partisan leadership, the task force discovered just how badly our state courts are hurting financially. 

    According to the National Center for State Courts, which is working closely with the ABA on these issues, 40 out of 50 states cut court funding in fiscal year 2010. Budgetary cuts have continued in 2011 from New York to California. Some states, including Maine and Oregon, will need to find ways to operate without 10 percent of their already withered budgets. Remember, we are talking about a third co-equal branch of government. Yet across the United States we see that each and every state judiciary must try to operate on less than some individual departments in the executive branch.

    Across this great nation, too, many of our judiciaries receive as little as 1 percent or less of the state budget pie, and few states receive more than 3 percent.

    We know that at least six states, including Alabama, close their courthouses at least one day each week because of inadequate funding. Fifteen states have reduced the number of hours that courts are open to serve the public. Compounding the backlog of cases and consequent delay in our courts, 32 states have delayed filling much-needed court administration positions. Twenty-six states have delayed filling critical judicial vacancies. Like many government employees, staff in 16 states and judges in nine states are being furloughed without pay. Fourteen states have laid off judicial staff.

    Still, other states around the country confront uniquely challenging circumstances. 

  • October 25, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Forget the fact that the nation’s middle class is shrinking and more and more people are being shoved into poverty every year. Texas Gov. Rick Perry, who is seeking his party’s presidential nomination, has an answer – give more tax breaks to the nation’s wealthiest.

    This morning Perry announced tax policy in South Carolina, which “would dramatically reduce taxes, particularly on wealthy Americans and corporations,” The Washington Post reports.

    The newspaper says Perry’s plan would “reduce the corporate tax rate from 35 to 20 percent, eliminate taxes on dividends and many capital gains and essentially cap individual tax rates at 20 percent.”

    Perry, who not long after entering the presidential race railed against “the injustice that nearly half of all Americans don’t even pay any income tax,” is pushing a flat tax rate that would not only provide the nation’s wealthiest with even more tax breaks, but continue to sap the middle class. (As Post columnist Ruth Marcus noted in August, the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center reported that about 46 percent of Americans would not pay an income tax in 2011 because they are not earning enough “to owe income taxes, based on the progressive structure of the tax code and provisions designed to help the working poor and lower-income seniors.”)  

    In a column for Politico, Robert L. Borosage says “every major candidate” seeking the Republican presidential nomination has “suggested that too many working poor aren’t paying income taxes, a position The Wall Street Journal describes as ‘GOP doctrine.’”

    Borosage says the Republican candidates’ mantra that too many Americans aren’t paying taxes is “disingenuous.” He continues, “Working poor people do pay taxes. They pay a larger portion of their income in payroll taxes and sales taxes than the wealthy. And they pay property taxes indirectly in their rental costs. Poor workers pay about one-eighth of their incomes in taxes on average.”