September 2011

  • September 15, 2011
    BookTalk
    Keeping Faith with the Constitution
    By: 
    Goodwin Liu, Pamela S. Karlan & Christopher H. Schroeder

    This post, first published September 15, 2010, is part of the ACSblog Constitution Week Symposium. The author, Pamela Karlan, a law professor at Stanford Law School and co-director of the law school’s Supreme Court Clinic. The book she coauthored with Goodwin Liu and Christopher H. Schroeder, Keeping Faith with the Constitution, provides the framework for a new ACS webinar series, “What the Constitution Means and How to Interpret It.”


    Keeping Faith with the Constitution wades into a long-running debate about how we should interpret our Constitution. This debate is an important part of public policy discussions on everything from judicial nominations to health care reform. For a long time, conservatives have framed this debate by portraying themselves as strict adherents to the text and original understanding of the Constitution, while claiming that liberals and progressives ignore the text and decide cases based on their own values or policy preferences.

    That characterization is, of course, a caricature. In our book, we approach the topic through a different set of questions: How have judges, elected officials and citizens actually gone about the process of constitutional interpretation? What explains the enduring character of our Constitution in light of the profound economic, social and political changes that our nation has gone through? And how does this 220-year-old document retain its legitimacy, authority and relevance over time? Simply put, our thesis is that the Constitution has endured because judges, elected officials and citizens throughout our history have engaged in an ongoing process of interpretation. That interpretation reflects fidelity to our written Constitution. To be faithful to the Constitution is to interpret its words and to apply its principles in ways that sustain their vitality over time. Fidelity to the Constitution requires us to ask not how its text and principles would have been applied in 1789 or 1868, but rather how they should be applied today in light of the conditions and concerns of our society.

  • September 15, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog Constitution Week Symposium. By Doug Kendall, President, and Judith Schaeffer, Vice President, Constitutional Accountability Center  


    As ACS members know, our Constitution is under attack from tea partiers and other self-professed “constitutional conservatives” who have claimed the document as their own and distorted it to support their ideological agenda. Over the past two years, they have made increasingly extreme, and in some cases absurd, claims about our Nation’s charter. They started with calls to repeal a number of Amendments, including the part of the 14th Amendment that protects citizenship at birth. They progressed to claims that Social Security, Medicare, and portions of the Affordable Care Act are unconstitutional. It’s gotten to the point where it seems that many in the tea party believe the entire 20th Century was unconstitutional. Talk about a bridge to the 21st Century!  The tea party movement seems to want to build a bridge back to the colonial era and the Articles of Confederation.

    There is no greater threat to progressive values than this effort to make progress itself unconstitutional. This week, Constitutional Accountability Center and our partner organizations, including the Center for American Progress and People For the American Way Foundation, launched a coordinated effort  -- Constitutional Progressives -- to take our Constitution back and rebut the constitutional fairy tales being peddled by tea party leaders. Our greatest assets in doing so are the text and history of the Constitution itself.

    Constitutional Progressives celebratethe Framers for creating the best and most durable form of government in world history, but believe the Constitution today is better than the document ratified in 1789.  Generations of Americans have made our country and our Constitution “more perfect” by ratifying Amendments that have eliminated slavery, protected liberty and equality, expanded the powers of the federal government, and secured voting rights for every adult citizen in America.   

    This story of constitutional improvement should inspire all Americans, and we’re asking people across the political spectrum to join Constitutional Progressives by signing the “Whole Constitution Pledge” --  a pledge to support the entire Constitution, including the Amendments adopted over the last 220 years. The Pledge can be signed on line, here. More than 15,000 people across the country have already signed. We’ve made a similar call to all Members of Congress, urging them on Constitution Day to reaffirm their constitutional oath of office -- their pledge to support the whole Constitution, not just the parts they like or find ideologically convenient.

  • September 15, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog Constitution Week Symposium. By Martha F. Davis, Professor of Law, Northeastern University School of Law.


    The national Constitution is a singular document, but it is not unique. All fifty states of the U.S. and Puerto Rico have their own constitutions, some of which -- through text or interpretation -- stake out approaches that are very different from the federal document. It is worth thinking about the alternative paths that these state documents take, and the possibilities that they raise, as we celebrate and critique the national Constitution on this Constitution Day.

    This entry focuses on one area of significant difference between state and federal constitutions: their treatment of economic and social rights.

    The national Constitution addresses economic and social rights prominently but with little specificity. The Preamble states that an overriding purpose of the U.S. Constitution is to “promote the general welfare,” indicating that issues such as poverty, housing, food and other economic and social welfare issues facing the citizenry were of central concern to the framers. However, the Bill of Rights has been largely construed to provide procedural mechanisms for fair adjudication of those rights rather than carving out claims on the government to ensure that individuals actually have any social and economic assets to protect. Efforts to convince courts of alternate constitutional interpretations have generally failed. The Supreme Court has ruled, for example, that while the due process clause of the 14th amendment ensures fair processes for welfare recipients, there is no underlying constitutional right to a minimum standard of living. Similarly, the Supreme Court has not found a general right to education derived from the more explicit constitutional guarantees of political participation and equal protection that might be deemed to presuppose an educational baseline.

  • September 14, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Tired rhetoric about the alleged dangers of state recognition of same-sex marriage was, perhaps not surprisingly, heavily bandied about during the North Carolina General Assembly’s debate to place a constitutional amendment before voters next year to make doubly certain that the state cannot recognize same-sex marriage (the state already has a law on the books banning gay couples from wedding).

    State House Republican Leader Paul Stam in pushing the bill said if lesbians and gay men were allowed to wed, it would unquestionably diminish marriage as a whole, in part, by dissuading some straight couples from entering into marriages. The debate was also infused with religiosity, as it has been in similar debates nationwide. Supporters of the proposed amendment took to the state capitol grounds to hoist signs reading, “Man + Woman = Marriage God’s Way,” and The Rev. Patrick Wooden of the Upper Room Church of God, as The New York Times reports, tarred gays as leading a “deathstyle.”

    This hysterical rhetoric apparently played well in the N.C. legislature which quickly, with no public comment, approved the measure for a spring 2012 ballot.

    The measure, if supported by voters, would likely be one of the nation’s most onerous bans against gay unions, as The Huffington Post notes, it would prohibit “legal recognition of any union besides marriage between one man and one woman, including civil unions and domestic partnerships for gay and straight couples.”

    University of North Carolina law school professor Holning Lau in a Sept. 12 report debunks much of the argument peddled by opponents of marriage equality. Lau notes in the opening of his paper that Rep. Stam offered no evidence to support his claim that state recognition of gay marriages would “diminish people’s interest in marriage and, as a result, heterosexuals would become less likely to enter and stay in marriages.”

    Lau writes, “Marriage rates in states with amendments suggest that the amendments did not change people’s views of marriage in ways that slowed the decline of marriage rates in those states. Meanwhile, the fact that marriage rates did not drop off in states that recognize same-sex unions suggests that the state recognition of same-sex couples did not deter people from getting married.”

    He concludes:

    There is no support for claims that marriage amendments increase marriage rates or decrease divorce rates. Further, there is no evidence that legal recognition of same-sex couples devalues marriage, thereby deterring people from marrying or encouraging divorce. These results cast substantial doubt on arguments that North Carolina must protect marriage by passing a constitutional amendment. As the debate in North Carolina continues, individuals engaged in deliberation should be skeptical of marriage protection claims.

    Lau’s entire report, “Do Marriage Amendments Really Protect Marriage? An Analysis of Data from 2000 – 2009,” is available here.

  • September 14, 2011
    Video Interview

    This video interview is part of an ACSblog Constitution Week Symposium. By Nicole Flatow.


    Attempts to undo the constitutional guarantee that those born in the United States are citizens are “flatly and incontrovertibly unconstitutional and completely at odds with our constitutional history,” Georgia State University law professor Neil Kinkopf tells ACSblog during a video interview.

    Kinkopf traces the history of birthright citizenship in the United States, noting that the common law understanding was that all residents born here were citizens.

    He continues:

    That understanding was upset in the worst decision in the history of the Supreme Court, Dred Scott, when Chief Justice Taney ruled that descendants of Africans cannot be citizens and cannot have rights that a white person is bound to respect.

    It was the rejection of Dred Scott that led to the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment and that led to the first sentence of the Fourteenth Amendment, which expressly puts into the Constitution birthright citizenship. It’s a fundamental commitment of our nation. It constitutes us as a people -- that we are not a country club, that everyone who’s born here is a citizen of the United States, and that our government cannot distinguish among us.

    Watch the video interview below.