April 2011

  • April 19, 2011

    Senate obstruction of judicial nominees when the other party occupies the White House is “worse than a zero-sum game. It’s a game where everybody loses,” an editorial in the Chicago Tribune asserts.

    The Tribune is the latest newspaper to decry the “growing national problem” of vacancies on our federal courts, urging Democrats and Republicans to commit to “give up their blocking maneuvers except for genuinely controversial nominees.”

    The most recent maneuver was by Sen. Lindsey Graham, who said last week he would block all nominations until funding was allocated for a study on the Port of Charleston. (Graham backed down when Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid agreed several days later to find funding for the project.)

    Meanwhile, as the editorial points out, "criminal defendants, who are normally guaranteed a trial within 70 days, wait up to six months," and civil litigants wait two years for a trial to begin.

    The Tribune's editorial followed not long after the editorial board met with several ACS members and the ACS Board Chair.

    There are now 94 vacant federal court seats subject to Senate confirmation. Learn more about the judicial vacancy crisis and follow developments at JudicialNominations.org.

     

  • April 19, 2011

    The Tea Party and other far-right activists are successfully shaping their image as a “constitutional movement” because they connect with “populist sentiment,” writes The New Republic’s Legal Affairs Editor Jeffrey Rosen.

    “Enthusiasm about constitutional amendments generally tracks closely with populist sentiment,” Rosen, a law professor at George Washington University law school, writes. “Simply put, populist movements tend to expend energy on constitutional amendments; those that are more elite-driven do not.”

    Rosen notes a slew of amendments that have been, and are being, pushed by the right-wing. Those include Tea Party-backed amendments to greatly restrict the power of the federal government and Religious Right-backed constitutional amendments aimed out curtailing reproductive rights and banning same-sex marriage.

    Rosen concludes that “the lesson here for liberals isn’t necessarily about passing constitutional amendments. It’s that, in order to have any success as a constitutional movement, they need to find a way to reconnect with populism.”

    One way to reconnect is to better promote objections to a government that is “heavily influenced by Wall Street.” Citing Harvard Law School professor Lawrence Lessig, progressives do share some common ground with elements of the Tea Party, a distrust of “corporate control.”

    At an ACS event earlier this year concerning corporate influence on the courts, former New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer urged progressives to become far more engaged in the debate over the Constitution, to fight back against Tea Party activists’ claims that they have the market cornered on constitutional scholarship.

    Spitzer said, “The Constitution is a wildly progressive document. It is an amazing thing. We all appreciate that. But our failure to stand up and defend it permits them to claim it.”

    He continued, “This is a document that reflects society. It pains me that we are losing the Constitution because we are unwilling to stand up and defend what it really is. We have to do that.”

    Some progressives have already taken to the challenge of fighting corporate influence on government. Jeffrey Clements, an ACS Issue Brief author on campaign finance regulation and corporate rights, has helped found a group dedicated to advancing a constitutional amendment that would reign in the ability of corporations to spend freely on elections.

     

  • April 18, 2011

    The individual responsibility provision of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), much-attacked by Tea Party radicals as an outrageous overreach by the federal government, is well within Congress’s taxing power, states a recently filed amicus brief in Florida v. HHS.

    In a friend-of-the-court brief filed with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, attorneys for SEIU and Change to Win focus on the constitutional authority of Congress to enact taxes. The individual responsibility provision, which requires some people to purchase a certain amount of health care coverage starting in 2014, works as a “tax on income” that “falls squarely within Congress’ ‘complete and all-embracing taxing power,’” the attorneys state.  

    While many constitutional law experts, and other amicus briefs, argue that Congress’s power to regulate commerce is the constitutional underpinning for the ACA’s individual responsibility provision, the SEIU-Change to Win amicus brief says congressional taxing power sufficiently supports the law’s constitutionality, and that it does not matter what form the tax takes.

    “It is constitutionally irrelevant that Congress did not name the assessment a ‘tax’ or otherwise expressly invoke its taxing authority in” the text of the ACA, the brief states. “Courts have repeatedly ruled that whether an enactment is valid exercise of Congress’ constitutional powers rests on its substance, not its name.”

    In January, U.S. District Judge Roger Vinson ruled in favor of the Florida Attorney General’s challenge to the health care reform law, saying the individual responsibility provision was beyond the power of Congress to enact, and therefore the entire law must be invalidated. Vinson’s opinion sparked rebukes from many national constitutional law experts. Yale Law School Professor  Akhil Reed Amar said after reading Judge Vinson’s ruing he concluded that his students “understand the Constitution better than the judge.”

    The SEIU-Change to Win amicus brief argues that Judge Vinson relied, in part, on Supreme Court precedent that has long been discarded. “Congress has ample authority under its taxing power to assess a tax on the income of those who decline to purchase health insurance,” the brief states. “It is for elected legislators – not judges – to evaluate the wisdom of such an income tax.”

    The brief also notes that the revenue mechanism of the ACA is not far removed from those of other landmark social reform legislation that the Supreme Court has addressed.

    The brief states:

    From a constitutional perspective, the tax imposed by the minimum coverage provision is no different from the unemployment and old age insurance system Congress established through the Social Security Act. The constitutional propriety of that exercise of Congress’ taxation power is beyond dispute; there is no basis to treat this income tax any differently.

    Click here to read the groups’ entire amicus brief.

    Legal scholars have argued that the ACA’s individual responsibility provision is also constitutional under Congress’s power to regulate commerce.

    In an amicus brief filed earlier this month in the Eleventh Circuit on behalf of Yale Law School Professor Jack M. Balkin and Columbia Law School Professors Gillian E. Metzger and Trevor W. Morrison, attorneys also argued the constitutionality of the ACA pursuant to Congress’s power to regulate commerce and its taxing power.

    The professors’ amicus brief states:

    Congress’s taxing power is exceedingly broad. The Supreme Court has repeatedly reaffirmed the taxing power’s reach and has consistently held that a tax is valid so long as it serves the general welfare, is reasonably related to revenue raising, and does not violate any independent constitutional prohibition. The Court has also repeatedly affirmed that the taxing power is not limited to subjects within Congress’s other enumerated powers and that a tax is not invalid simply because it has a regulatory purpose or effect. The Minimum Coverage Fee Provision plainly satisfies the standard for legitimate exercises of the taxing power.

    The professors’ brief is available here.  

    For resources and new developments in all the legal challenges to the ACA, see ACS’s “The Affordable Care Act Resource Page: Tracking Legal Challenges & Other Attacks on the Health Care Reform Law.”

  • April 18, 2011

    In light of increasingly “ugly” and “expensive” judicial elections such as the recent Wisconsin Supreme Court justice race, states should be permitted to impose more limits on judicial campaign spending than they do on other types elections, write University of California, Irvine law school dean Erwin Chemerinsky and Hofstra law professor James J. Sample in The New York Times.

    “More than 7 in 10 Americans believe campaign cash influences judicial decisions. Nearly half of state court judges agree. Never before has there been so much cash in the courts,” the op-ed explains.

    Chemerinsky and Sample urge advocates for abolishing judicial elections to “come to terms” with the reality that “judicial elections are here to stay,” and instead focus their energy on “incremental changes” that will reduce the influence of money on judges. (A New York Times editorial published last week urged the use of a merit panel rather than election to select Wisconsin’s judges.)

    They explain that while states are permitted to impose limits on direct contributions by persons to candidates, states are not permitted to set restrictions on outside spending. Such indirect spending to candidates is ever-increasing: In 2008 for the first time, spending by non-candidate groups nationally exceeded spending by candidates on the ballot.

    “In the legislative and executive offices, it is accepted that special-interest lobbying and campaign spending can influence votes; but that is anathema to our most basic notions of fair judging,” they write. “Thus, the Supreme Court should hold that the compelling interest in ensuring impartial judges is sufficient to permit restrictions on campaign spending that would be unconstitutional for nonjudicial elections.”

    Read the full article here. For more on judicial selection, see an ACSblog video interview with Justice at Stake Executive Director Bert Brandenburg on Caperton v. Massey, a 2009 Supreme Court decision on judicial conflict of interest referenced in the op-ed.

  • April 18, 2011

    Culling through the most recent data from the Internal Revenue Service, The Associated Press notes what many economists have already taken note of: the nation’s wealthiest continue to see their tax burden decline.

    The AP reports that the IRS “tracks tax returns with the 400 highest adjusted gross incomes each year. The average income on those returns in 2007, the latest year for IRS data, was nearly $345 million. Their average federal income tax rate was 17 percent, down from 26 percent in 1992.”

    If the Tea Party-backed politicos in the U.S. House of Representatives had their way, the tax burden for corporations and wealthy individuals would continue to lessen. A few days ago the House passed a 2012 budget plan pushed by Rep. Paul Ryan that would, as The New York Times reports, reconfigure Medicare and “cut the top corporate and personal income tax rates while also” fundamentally altering Medicaid.

    Echoing language from President Obama’s recent budget talk, Rep. Chris Van Hollen slammed the Ryan budget for providing even more “tax breaks for millionaires while ending the Medicare guarantee for seniors and sticking seniors with the cost of rising health care.”

    During his speech at George Washington University, the president ripped into Ryan’s plan, saying, “There’s nothing serious about a plan that claims to reduce the deficit by spending a trillion dollars on tax cuts for millionaires and billionaires. There’s nothing courageous about asking for sacrifice from those who can least afford it and don’t have any clout on Capitol Hill. And this is not a vision of the America I know.”

    In an article for Vanity Fair, Columbia University Business School Professor Joseph E. Stiglitz examined the lack of outrage over the growing gap between the wealthy and everyone else.

    Some people look at the income inequality and shrug their shoulders,” he wrote. “So what if this person gains and that person loses? What matters, they argue, is not how the pie is divided but the size of the pie. That argument is fundamentally wrong. An economy in which most citizens are doing worse year after year – an economy like America’s – is not likely to do well over the long haul.”

    The Agenda Project has distributed a letter signed by almost 100 millionaires who do urge the federal government to raise their taxes for “the fiscal health of our nation and the well-being of our fellow citizens…”

    Sen. Orrin Hatch ridiculed Obama’s call for the wealthy to carry a greater tax burden, saying that “rich Democrats” should “write a check to the IRS and make an extra payment on their tax returns to pay down the federal debt.”