January 2011

  • January 28, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Dan Tokaji, Professor of Law, Ohio State University, Moritz College of Law. Professor Tokaji is also a member of the ACS Board of Directors. This post is part of an ACSblog symposium marking the one-year anniversary of the landmark decision in Citizens United v. FEC.
    Contrary to popular belief, the most significant aspect of last year's Citizens United v. FEC was not its conclusion that corporations have free speech rights. The Supreme Court actually settled this question long ago. Nor is the main problem the influx of anonymous corporate spending on federal elections. Citizens United may have exacerbated this problem, but it existed before - and, at any rate, identification of big spenders can be addressed through tougher disclosure and reporting laws.

    The most significant and damaging aspect of the Citizens United decision was its obliteration of equality as a rationale that may sometimes justify limits on political spending. Overruling this aspect of the decision is a precondition to real campaign finance reform. In thinking about what can be done to promote political equality, the United States would do well to consider Canada's example.

    Citizens United was correct to affirm that campaign-related expenditures - whether made by corporations or by individuals - have an expressive quality that warrants some degree of constitutional protection. Where the Court erred was in failing to recognize the consequences of the fact that money is essential to political participation. If effective electoral speech requires money, then those without money lack an equal voice in our democracy. The ultimate consequence is to skew political debate in favor of the wealthy, both in terms of who gets elected to office and the decisions they make once in office. This is anathema to a democracy committed to the principle of "one person, one vote." In effect, the have-alots have a much greater say in our political system than the rest of us.

    Students of American campaign finance law might note that Citizens United's rejection of equality is nothing new. That is partly true. Since Buckley v. Valeo (1976), the Court has purported to forbid campaign spending restrictions designed to promote equality. Buckley famously prohibited government from "restrict[ing] the speech of some elements of our society in order to enhance the relative voice of others." On this basis, the Court struck down limits on individual expenditures in federal campaigns.

  • January 28, 2011

    President Barack Obama nominated seven people to seats on the federal courts yesterday, including U.S. District Judge Henry Floyd, who decided two important indefinite detention cases during the Bush administration.

    Floyd, who was nominated to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, ruled in a 2005 decision that the Bush administration had improperly detained U.S. citizen José Padilla after his arrest at Chicago's O'Hare International Airport in 2002, and that President Bush did not have the power to hold Padilla without charges as an enemy combatant, The Blog of Legal Times reports.

    "The decision was a rare judicial rebuke of executive authority in wartime," BLT explains.

    In a second case in 2005 and 2006, Floyd held that the administration could detain Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, a Qatari national who later pleaded guilty to conspiracy in federal court.

    Floyd was nominated to his district court seat by President Bush in 2003, and was confirmed with widespread bipartisan support, according to BLT.

    President Obama also nominated six people to the federal district courts, including Michael Green, District Attorney of Monroe County, for the Western District of New York; Northern Mariana Islands Superior Court Judge Ramona Villagomez Manglona, for the District Court for the Northern Mariana Islands; Cablevision Senior Vice President and Association General Counsel J. Paul Oetken, for the Southern District of New York; state district court Judge Nelva Gonzales Ramos, for the Southern District of Texas; Natasha Perdew Silas, a federal public defender in Atlanta, for the Northern District of Georgia; and U.S. Magistrate Judge Linda T. Walker, for the Northern District of Georgia.

    There are now 102 vacant seats subject to Senate confirmation on the federal courts, 49 of which are considered judicial emergencies. Visit JudicialNomations.org to learn more about the growing judicial nominations crisis and follow developments.

  • January 28, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Rajdeep Singh, Director of Law and Policy for the Sikh Coalition.

    Consider the following scenario and ask yourself whether it is fair:

    You live in California, work hard, pay taxes, and decide to pursue a public service career. You have a military background and apply for a job as a state corrections officer. Despite your qualifications, a state agency tells you that you must abandon your religion because of a demonstrably false assumption that you cannot comply with a purported safety requirement, which (as it turns out) is selectively enforced. An administrative body hears your case at a trial and determines that you suffered workplace discrimination, but the agency that refused to hire you flouts the ruling. As a last resort, you file suit in state court, and the office of the California Attorney General uses your taxpayer dollars to oppose you.

    This is what happened to Mr. Trilochan Singh Oberoi, a Sikh American. Regrettably, more than a century after migrating to California, Sikhs in the most populous state in the nation still face regressive barriers to equal employment opportunity and the specter of being given the runaround by their own state government.

    On November 10, 2008, after a two-day trial, the California State Personnel Board (SPB) determined that the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) discriminated against Mr. Oberoi, who was denied a job as a corrections officer because of his beard, based on his religious beliefs, which in part require him to keep his beard uncut.

  • January 27, 2011
    Rep. Michele Bachmann, founder of the House's Tea Party Caucus, is pushing a lopsided view of the U.S. Constitution, scuttling what could be an instructive moment of constitutional discussion, writes ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson.

    In a piece for The Huffington Post, Fredrickson (pictured) notes that the nation is in the midst of a moment that "offers a tremendous opportunity to ensure that lawmakers, and all Americans, become more familiar with the genius and richness of our Constitution. No group or person has or should have the ability to corner the market on constitutional interpretation."

    But Bachmann's first "Conservative Constitutional" gathering featured Justice Antonin Scalia, suggesting the congresswoman is far from interested in advancing a broad discussion of the Constitution. Instead, Fredrickson says Bachmann is all about promoting the Tea Party's limited embrace of the Constitution.

    Fredrickson writes:

    That cramped version of the Constitution envisions a founding document frozen in time and incapable of applying to today's society, and the many changes our nation has gone through. Indeed this week's first conservative constitution class featured Justice Antonin Scalia, a leading proponent of "originalism," a philosophy that says the Constitution should be read and applied in precisely the manner as the framers would intend, without considering the changes to our society. Originalism is a result-oriented approach to judging that typically allows a judge to reach right-wing results antithetical to the values held by our society.

    Fredrickson's article notes that she has sent letters to Rep. Bachmann and House Speaker John Boehner offering an array of resources and experts to help broaden lawmakers' discussion of the Constitution.

  • January 27, 2011
    Senate leaders Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell announced earlier today a "bipartisan agreement" they claimed would remove some tactics used to slow work in the Senate.

    The Huffington Post's Sam Stein described the agreement as "a set of relatively small changes in to the upper chamber's rules, including an informal pact to reduce the number of filibusters in exchange for allowing more amendments from the minority party."

    According to The Washington Post the agreement "left intact the essential concept of the minority's right to block some legislation by requiring a 60-vote threshold through a threatened filibuster."

    The newspaper reported that the leaders did agree "to repeal the decades-old stalling tactics of secret holds, in which an anonymous senator could slow action on a bill, and the ability to force amendments to be read in their entirety on the floor."

    Stein concluded that the agreement "falls well short of what rules-reform advocates had sought." Stein notes the more far-reaching reforms proposed by Sens. Tom Harkin (pictured), Tom Udall, and Jeff Merkley. Some of those reforms included requiring a certain number of senators to be present on the floor in order to sustain a filibuster.

    The New York Times in a recent editorial called on the Senate Democrats to adopt reforms advanced by those senators, saying the Senate had a "rare opportunity to reduce the abuse of the filibuster and increase the chances that the people's work actually gets done. Instead, they are close to an agreement on a watered-down package of changes that will have only a modest effect on the chamber's gridlock."

    The editorial continued:

    A group of Democratic senators - led by Tom Udall of New Mexico and Jeff Merkley of Oregon - came up with a reasonable proposal to reduce this practice [requiring a 60 votes for most Senate action] while preserving the minority's right to wage a fight. It would require 10 senators to start a filibuster and then speak continuously on the floor to keep it going. If an issue is important enough to block, then senators should be willing to work for it and explain themselves to the public.

    An array of public-interest groups had also urged the Senate to adopt the reforms advanced by Sens. Harkin, Udall and Merkley.

    ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson noted the increasing delays in confirming judicial selections in urging the Senate to pass comprehensive rules reform.

    "Our nation cannot afford the continuing delay and obstruction of votes on judges and other nominees critical to running our government that has plagued the Senate," Fredrickson said in a statement issued by Fix The Senate Now. "The token number of confirmations offered at the end of the recent lame duck session is less an accomplishment than evidence of how an effective government could be run. As the Chief Justice of the United States, and numerous other judges and public officials have noted, our nation depends on these positions being filled. If it requires Senate rules reform to help accomplish this and put an end to the shameless filibuster threats and anonymous holds that impede our government, then the Senate must take that on."

    Communications Workers of America (CWA), in Jan. 26 statement, said the rules were abused during the 111th Senate. CWA continued, "Reforms that would help working men and women were never allowed to come up for debate on the Senate floor. The Employee Free Choice Act, the Fair Play Act, the Dream Act, and comprehensive climate legislation, among other measures, would have made real improvements in the lives of American families, but were never discussed by the Senate. There were more than 400 bills that passed the House of Representatives that never had a hearing on the Senate floor."