August 2010

  • August 13, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Susan Scafidi, a professor at Fordham Law School and the Academic Director of the law school's Fashion Law Institute, the world's first educational center devoted to the emerging field of fashion law. In addition to her foundational articles on intellectual property and fashion design, Scafidi is the author of "Who Owns Culture?" and blogs on law and fashion at www.CounterfeitChic.com.
    Intellectual property law is being re-fashioned for a new generation. After epic battles between IP owners and the free culture crowd, a sector with a large economic footprint but a slender jurisprudential silhouette has designed a mode of protection as striking as the introduction of the miniskirt in 1965. It's unmistakably modern, covers all the essentials, but makes a point of leaving quite a bit in the public domain. Call it the new minimalism - courtesy of the not-so-frivolous fashion industry.

    Perhaps it shouldn't be surprising that the industry that gave us the punch card loom, the direct ancestor of the modern computer, is on the cutting edge of development in IP. U.S. law, however, has long excluded most creative fashion designs from protection, apart from their trademarked labels and logos, even as other major fashion-producing countries have developed design rights. Europe, Japan, and India all have laws that cover fashion design; France has been protecting its celebrated Parisian couture for over a century. American fashion designers have been seeking legal recognition for at least that long, and they are finally poised to achieve it in a way that alters the contours of IP law as well.

    As the nation has transitioned from agriculture to manufacturing to ideas as its primary source of economic growth, the fashion industry has followed. Americans still grow cotton and weave denim, but today, influenced by TV shows like Project Runway, there are far more aspiring designers than tailors or seamstresses. Without IP protection, though, creative garments are easily copied by design pirates who systematically troll trade shows and red carpets looking for the most popular new designs.

    Given the speed at which information travels via the Internet, cheap, fast fashion copies can be shipped back to the United States and end up on the street before the original designer has a chance to recover her investment. Some designers even lose wholesale and retail orders after poorly made but otherwise nearly identical merchandise becomes available for sale. This is especially devastating to emerging designers, whose relatively unfamiliar logos are rarely copied along with the underlying articles of apparel, leaving them without even a trademark claim. As one young designer told me in regard to more established, logo-driven companies, "They can just sell their trademarks. We have to sell our designs."

    In actuality, the designer was only half right. The absence of design protection also leaves a loophole for trademark counterfeiters, some of whom legally import copies of distinctive merchandise without a fake logo and then add the illegal label later. Such simple subterfuge undermines the Obama administration's new strategic plan to combat counterfeits, and ultimately IP law itself.

    The bipartisan Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act (IDPPPA) introduced by Sen. Charles E. Schumer will bring fashion design under the IP umbrella while limiting it to the shortest term of protection available under any legal system in the world, three years. It also establishes a high qualifying standard for protected designs reminiscent of patent law, but without an expensive registration requirement. Only designs that are new and original will be protected, and every other garment ever created will remain in the public domain. At the same time, the bill limits violations to substantially identical copies, a standard borrowed from trademark. As elsewhere in copyright, there are blanket exemptions for teaching and analysis; in fashion design, there's even a special home sewing exception for the clever crafter who wants to replicate the runway for her daughter's prom dress or her own wedding gown.

  • August 12, 2010
    U.S. District Judge Vaughn R. Walker refused to indefinitely stay his recent decision that invalidated California's Proposition 8, finding that supporters of the anti-gay marriage measure failed to "adequately explain the basis for their belief that marriages performed absent a stay would suffer from a ‘cloud of uncertainty.'"

    On Aug. 3, Judge Walker ruled, "Proposition 8 cannot survive any legal scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause. Excluding same-sex marriage couples from marriage is simply not rationally related to a legitimate state interest."

    Supporters of Proposition 8 urged Judge Walker to indefinitely stay his decision during the appeals process, while opponents of the anti-gay marriage measure, including the California governor and attorney general, urged Walker to lift the stay on his ruling to allow same-sex couples to wed.

    Although Walker refused to permanently stay his initial ruling, he did delay lifting the stay until Aug. 18, permitting supporters of Proposition 8 to appeal his decision to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. TPM reported that Walker's action gives the Ninth Circuit "time to decide whether to issue its own stay."

    In his Aug. 12 order in Perry v. Schwarzenegger Walker expressed doubts as to whether Proposition 8 supporter have standing to appeal his decision. "Proponents chose not to brief the standing issue in connection with their motion to stay, and nothing in the record shows proponents face the kind of injury required for Article 111 standing," Walker wrote.

     

  • August 12, 2010
    BookTalk
    Education Policy
    Not For Profit: Why Democracy Needs the Humanities
    By: 
    Martha C. Nussbaum

    By Martha C. Nussbaum, the Ernst Freund Distinguished Service Professor of Law and Ethics in the Philosophy Department, Law School and Divinity School at the University of Chicago.
    We are in the midst of a crisis of massive proportions and grave global significance. No, I do not mean the global economic crisis that began in 2008. At least then everyone knew that that crisis was at hand, and many world leaders worked quickly and desperately to find solutions. No, I mean a crisis that goes largely unnoticed, a crisis that is likely to be, in the long run, far more damaging to the future of democratic self-government: a worldwide crisis in education.

    Radical changes are occurring in what democratic societies teach the young, and these changes have not been well thought through. Eager for national profit, nations, and their systems of education, are heedlessly discarding skills that are needed to keep democracies alive. If this trend continues, nations all over the world will soon be producing generations of useful machines, rather than complete citizens who can think for themselves, criticize tradition, and understand the significance of another person's sufferings and achievements.

    What are these radical changes? The humanities and the arts are being cut away, in both primary/secondary and college/university education, in virtually every nation of the world. Seen by policy-makers as useless frills, at a time when nations must cut away all useless things in order to stay competitive in the global market, they are rapidly losing their place in curricula, and also in the minds and hearts of parents and children. Indeed, what we might call the humanistic aspects of science and social science - the imaginative, creative aspect, and the aspect of rigorous critical thought - are also losing ground, as nations prefer to pursue short-term profit by the cultivation of useful, highly applied skills, suited to profit-making.

    Consider these two examples. Both concern higher education, but similar changes are taking place at all ages.

    • In the fall of 2006, the United States Department of Education's Commission on the Future of Higher Education, headed by Bush Administration Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings, released its report on the state of higher education in the nation: A Test of Leadership: Charting the Future of U. S. Higher Education (pdf). This report contained a valuable critique of unequal access to higher education. When it came to subject matter, however, it focused entirely on education for national economic gain. It concerned itself with perceived deficiencies in science, technology, and engineering - not even basic scientific research in these areas, but only highly applied learning, learning that can quickly generate profit-making strategies. The humanities, the arts, and critical thinking were basically absent. By omitting them, the report strongly suggested that it would be perfectly all right if these abilities were allowed to wither away, in favor of more useful disciplines.
    • In the fall of 2009, in Britain, the Labor Government issued new guidelines for its Research Excellence Scheme, which will assess all individuals and departments in British universities. According to the new criteria, 25 percent of the grade for each researcher will be based on that person's "impact," meaning, basically, contributions to economic growth and success. The humanities and the arts will now be forced to become salesmen for a product, and they will be able to justify their contribution and their claim to funds only if they can demonstrate a direct, short-term economic impact.
  • August 12, 2010
    Religious Right activists' arguments that U.S. District Judge Vaughn Walker, who issued the recent decision striking California's anti-gay marriage law, Proposition 8, is unfit to hear the case because of his sexual orientation are reminiscent of the arguments challenging "the impartiality of black judges presiding over civil rights cases 30 years ago," writes Professor Sherrilyn A. Ifill for The Root.

    Ifill, a law professor at the University of Maryland School of Law, notes that the Family Research Council and the American Family Association have both issued missives arguing that Judge Walker should recuse himself because of some "published reports" that he is gay. "This is an ugly and desperate charge - among the worst one can make against a judge: that he allowed his personal interests to dictate the outcome of a case. It should be answered swiftly and decisively, because the implications of this charge extend far beyond the Prop. 8 case," Ifill says.

    Ifill continues:

    Rumors about Judge Walker's sexual orientation were well-known to attorneys for the state of California long before the trial concerning Prop. 8. Why, then, didn't the State of California file a motion seeking the recusal of Judge Walker? The simple reason is that Judge Walker's sexual orientation - whether gay or straight - is not an appropriate basis for a recusal motion. In fact, suggestions that Judge Walker's sexual orientation is evidence of bias is the kind of argument that was firmly discredited in a series of cases challenging the impartiality of black judges to decide civil rights cases.

    ...

    In perhaps the most famous of these cases, lawyers representing the New York law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell requested that federal district judge Constance Baker Motley recuse herself from hearing a case brought by women lawyers at the firm who charged discrimination in hiring and promotion. The law firm's motion for recusal was based on Judge Motley's status as a black woman and her professional experience as a former civil rights lawyer. The late Judge Motley is most famously known as the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF) lawyer who litigated nearly all of the cases seeking to desegregate universities throughout the South. [The ACS annual moot court competition is named after Motley - the Constance Baker Motley National Moot Court Competition in Constitutional Law.] She represented James Meredith in his contentious and ultimately successful battle for admission to the University of Mississippi. After leaving the LDF, she served at a New York assemblywoman and as borough president of Manhattan.

    When the recusal motion was brought against her in 1975 in the law firm case, Motley refused to withdraw from presiding over the case, offering the now classic explanation that "if background or sex or race of each judge were, by definition, sufficient grounds for removal, no judge on this court could hear this case, or many others, by virtue of the fact that all of them were attorneys, of a sex, often with distinguished law firm or public service backgrounds."

    Ifill's entire piece is available here. See here for additional information about Judge Walker's decision in the Prop. 8 case.

  • August 11, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Scott Nova and Ben Hensler. Nova is Executive Director and Hensler is General Counsel for the Worker Rights Consortium, a university-based organization that investigates working conditions and promotes respect for labor rights in manufacturing facilities around the world.  
    Every year, hundreds of thousands of apparel workers around the world are cheated of legally-earned income when their employers fail to pay mandatory severance benefits. This pernicious form of wage theft, which costs workers the equivalent of at least several months' wages, has afflicted workers sewing clothes for just about every major apparel brand. However, since it is the brands' contract factories that directly employ the workers, the brands insist it's not their problem to fix. Factories close, bosses skip town, the brands wash their hands of the matter - and workers are left high and dry.

    On July 21, Nike signed an accord under which it agreed, in effect, to accept financial responsibility for severance owed to workers by two contract factories (workers with the accord pictured left). This sharp break with business as usual by the world's leading sports apparel brand - the result of intense pressure from student activists and the company's university business partners - has significant implications for the global apparel industry.

    Outsourcing and Accountability in the Apparel Industry

    Outsourcing production to contract factories in the developing world, where labor law enforcement ranges from anemic to non-existent, yields a deregulatory double bonus for American clothing brands. Factories are able to violate worker rights with impunity, affording the brands big savings on labor costs. At the same time, outsourcing insulates brands from any legal accountability, since the lawbreaking from which the brands profit is committed by third parties operating outside the United States.

    The primary goal of the contemporary anti-sweatshop movement has been to make it harder for the industry to play this game, by replacing the legal accountability that outsourcing has largely eliminated with accountability to civil society, generated through both consumer and political pressure, and, increasingly, private contractual relations. Activism in the 1990s compelled most apparel brands to publicly accept responsibility for working conditions at contract factories and to adopt private codes of conduct and monitoring regimes ostensibly designed to compel contractors to respect workers' rights.

    Unfortunately, these corporate codes have been ineffective at protecting workers and, as a result, sweatshop conditions remain the norm throughout the industry. Brands have taken responsibility in theory, but have been highly adept at avoiding responsibility in practice. Achieving genuine improvements in working conditions would require brands to forego the savings extracted when labor standards are ignored and, instead, pay contractors prices consistent with producing in a lawful manner. Brands have refused to do this, continuing instead to push suppliers to accept prices that can only be met by running roughshod over the rights of workers. Yet despite this, brands have done an effective job of persuading many opinion leaders and consumers that their monitoring programs reflect a sincere effort to raise standards.