May 2010

  • May 7, 2010

    Although Faisal Shahzad was detained just over two days after he allegedly attempted a car-bombing in Times Square, criticisms of the investigation persist.

    Emily Bazelon summarizes critics' protests:

    Miranda worked! Law enforcement officials can invoke a public safety exception and delay reading a suspect his rights to get information that would save lives. In Shahzad's case, the FBI invoked the public safety exception. The agency called in its crack interrogation team, asked Shahzad questions with no Miranda warning, and reaped what the FBI says was "valuable intelligence and evidence." Then Shahzad was read his rights. And lo and behold, he waived them and kept talking.

    But none of this has stopped Sens. John McCain, who once sponsored laws to prevent torture, and Christopher Bond, the ranking Republican on the Senate intelligence committee, from railing against Miranda. "We've got to be far less interested in protecting the privacy rights of these terrorists than in collecting information that may lead us to details of broader schemes to carry out attacks in the United States," Bond said. "When we detain terrorism suspects, our top priority should be finding out what intelligence they have that could prevent future attacks and save American lives," McCain said. "Our priority should not be telling them they have a right to remain silent."

  • May 7, 2010
    Joseph J. Ellis, renowned historian, offers a tough critique of originalism, the method of constitutional interpretation favored by some conservative jurists.

    Ellis, who won a Pulitzer for his book Founding Fathers, writes in a piece for The Washington Post that during the forthcoming confirmation hearings for a new justice to fill the seat of Justice John Paul Stevens, the major weapon used against the nominee will likely be the "claim that Supreme Court justices should interpret the Constitution as it was written, not impose their political or personal convictions on the semi-sacred text. Woe to the nominee who has left a paper trail that deviates from the original intentions of the Founders, or what the hostile Senate interrogator defines those intentions to be."

    Ellis continues:

    The doctrine of original intent rests on a set of implicit assumptions about the framers as a breed apart, momentarily allowed access to a set of timeless and transcendent truths. You don't have to believe that tongues of fire appeared over their heads during the debates. But the doctrine requires you to believe that the ‘miracle at Philadelphia' was a uniquely omniscient occasion when 55 mere mortals were permitted a glimpse of the eternal verities and then embalmed their insights in the document.

    Any professional historian proposing such an interpretation today would be laughed off the stage. That four sitting justices on the Supreme Court - Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, John Roberts and Samuel Alito - claim to believe it, or some version of it, is truly strange. We might call it the Immaculate Conception theory of jurisprudence.

    For other methods of constitutional interpretation, see the book Keeping Faith with the Constitution, which was published last spring by ACS.

  • May 7, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Melanie Sloan, executive director, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW)
    On Tuesday, The Hill reported Senator Harry Reid (D-Nev.) suggested Republican senators using anonymous holds to block executive branch nominations may find themselves referred to the Senate Ethics Committee. My organization, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), suggested this very course of action back in December, and we applaud Sen. Reid (pictured) for taking the first steps to enforce provisions that should have ended the opaque and undemocratic procedure of secret holds years ago.

    In 2007, the newly elected Democratic majority passed the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act (HLOGA), hailed by its supporters as landmark ethics and transparency legislation. Section 512 of HLOGA sought to force senators to reveal themselves when they were "intending to object to a proceeding" - a parliamentary maneuver more commonly known as a "hold." HLOGA did not end the use of holds, but instead forced senators choosing to block an action to place their objection in the Senate calendar next to their name. Unfortunately, the provision did not create a new Senate rule or standing order of the Senate, or include any enforcement mechanism. Rather, members were simply expected to comply and loopholes remained. As a result, CREW's research showed that the procedure outlined under HLOGA was followed only twice since its creation, while senators of both parties continued to place secret holds.

    Given that senators had agreed to the change in passing HLOGA, CREW asked the Senate Ethics Committee to find that senators using the secret hold are violating Senate rules by engaging in "improper conduct which may reflect upon the Senate." Not surprisingly, the ethics committee punted and passed on our request, finding it had no jurisdiction over the matter. So the first thing the Senate needs to do is give the Ethics Committee clear authority to enforce the ban against secret holds.

    Second, while referring senators who employ secret holds against nominees to the Ethics Committee is a good first step, HLOGA did not limit the secret hold restriction to just executive branch nominees; it applied to all Senate actions. Therefore, any senator who employs a secret hold on any matter should be referred to the Ethics Committee.

    The secret hold is an arcane and undemocratic procedure and the American people know it, which is why the Senate banned the practice in the first place. The sooner senators recognize that voters cannot be placated with empty promises of change the sooner they will understand why the Senate is held in such low esteem. As outgoing House Appropriations Chair Rep. David Obey (D-WI) so aptly said in his farewell statement, "there has to be more to life than explaining the ridiculous, accountability destroying rules of the Senate to confused, angry, and frustrated constituents." It is long past time for the Senate to take responsibility for its part in contributing to American cynicism about the government. Ending the use of secret holds is a good place to start.

  • May 7, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Sarah Warbelow, State Legislative Director, Human Rights Campaign

    This week, the D.C. Court of Appeals - the District's highest court - heard oral arguments in the second Jackson v. District of Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics (Jackson II). After the out-of-jurisdiction marriage recognition bill passed in May 2009 and knowing the District Council was moving towards passage of the "Religious Freedom and Civil Marriage Equality Amendment Act of 2009," opponents of marriage equality filed a petition for an initiative with the Board of Elections and Ethics (BOEE) that would add a provision to the marriage code stating "only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in the District of Columbia." Following a public hearing, the BOEE rejected the initiative on the grounds that it violated the District's Human Rights Act (HRA). Opponents, led by Bishop Harry Jackson Jr., subsequently sued in D.C. Superior Court.

    While the underlying concern in this case is the right of same-sex couples to be married in the District, the case turns on the technical issue of whether the subject matter limitation on initiatives violating the HRA itself violates the D.C. Charter. The petitioners also claim that their proposed initiative does not violate the HRA. They rely on the disingenuous argument that LGBT people are not discriminated against since they can still marry so long as they marry someone of the opposite sex. In their brief filed with the D.C. Court of Appeals, petitioners assert that "a male who considers himself ‘gay' and a woman who considers herself a ‘lesbian' can obtain a marriage license, even though they are... not ‘sexually oriented' towards each other." (Emphasis in the original)

    A coalition of marriage equality proponents representing supportive residents, clergy, and local and national civil rights organizations came together to file an amicus brief in support of the BOEE. The conservative American Center for Law and Justice submitted an amicus brief on behalf of 49 members of Congress voicing support for the petitioners. Of those, only one has supported the right of D.C. residents to have a voting representative in Congress.

  • May 6, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA). Sen. Harkin is Chairman of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee.
    This morning, the Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions heard testimony from a variety of witnesses on a pressing, national issue - the need to ensure fairness for older workers. We heard from the chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and a leader from AARP, who both described the national implications of this issue. But I was most taken by the testimony of a remarkable Iowan named Jack Gross, who has become a central national figure in the fight against age discrimination.

    Jack worked for nearly a quarter century as a claims adjuster for FBL Financial in West Des Moines. He was a model employee, with performance reviews in the top three percent of the company for 13 consecutive years. Then, in 2003, when he was 55 years old, his company brazenly demoted him and other employees over the age of 50. His job was give to a much younger, less qualified person.

    Four decades ago, expressly to prevent this kind of discrimination, Congress passed the Age Discrimination in Employment Act. Very simply, that act made it unlawful to discriminate on the basis of age.

    When Jack sought enforcement of his rights, a jury of fellow Iowans readily found in his favor. But, last year, the Supreme Court ruled against Jack and other older workers. A narrow majority on the Court didn't just rewrite the rules, it arbitrarily rewrote the law.

    For decades the law was clear: If an employee showed that age was one factor in an employment decision, the burden was on the employer to show it had acted for a legitimate reason other than age. The Court, however, addressing a question it did not grant cert on, tore up this decades-old standard and imposed a new standard that the Supreme Court itself had rejected in a prior case and Congress had rejected when we enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1991. In its place, it invented a new standard that makes it prohibitively difficult for a victim to prove age discrimination.

    According to the Court's new standard, a victim of age discrimination bears the full burden of proving that age was not only a motivating factor but the decisive factor.

    This extremely high burden of proof has radically undermined older workers' ability to hold employers accountable. Bear in mind that unlawful discrimination is often difficult to detect. Those who discriminate usually go out of their way to conceal their true intent. And discrimination cases rarely involve a smoking gun.

    The good news is that the Court's arbitrary ruling is not the final say. Congress has the power to step in with a legislative remedy. That's what we did when the Court weakened the rights of women in the workplace. Last year, we passed the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act.

    Likewise, nearly two years ago, we passed the ADA Amendments Act, reversing Court decisions that weakened the Americans with Disabilities Act.

    Now the Court has opened the door to discrimination against older workers. And Congress needs to close that door.

    The Protecting Older Workers Against Discrimination Act, legislation I introduced last year, will restore the law to what it was for decades. It makes clear that when an employee shows that discrimination was "a motivating factor" behind a decision, the burden is properly on the employer to show it complied with the law.

    This legislation would make certain that, once again, Jack Gross and all older workers in this country enjoy the full protections of the law.

    Video of this morning's hearing is available here.