May 2010

  • May 11, 2010

    "Proposals like Sen. Joe Lieberman's to take away a suspect's citizenship put the nation on a dangerous path," writes UC Irvine School of Law Founding Dean Erwin Chemerinsky (pictured) in the Los Angeles Times. Chemerinksy, a frequent ACS participant, took to the pages of the Times amid persistent critiques of the federal response to an attempted bombing in Times Square, including a proposal by Sen. Lieberman to strip terrorism suspects of citizenship.

    Chemerinsky writes:

    Those who commit terrorist acts can and should be severely punished; stripping them of their citizenship and failing to inform them of their right to remain silent serve no additional purpose.

    There is no reason to believe that advising terrorism suspects of their rights obstructs effective law enforcement. Take the case of Faisal Shahzad, accused of placing the car with explosives in Times Square. He spoke to authorities before being given his Miranda warnings, and continued to speak after. In fact, police have demonstrated over decades that they can function effectively even when suspects are advised of their rights. If there is a public safety emergency, current law permits questioning without Miranda warnings. Those determined not to speak will refuse to do so whether or not they have been informed of their rights.

  • May 11, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Jeffrey D. Clements, Principal, Clements Law Office, LLC. Mr. Clements filed an amicus brief in the Citizens United case on behalf of several democracy advocacy organizations, and serves as general counsel of Free Speech for People. He is also author of the ACS Issue Brief "Beyond Citizens United v. FEC: Re-Examining Corporate Rights."

    The Virginia tax-exempt corporation calling itself Citizens United has come out swinging against President Obama's nomination of Solicitor General Elena Kagan to be an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. The organization's president, David Bossie, takes umbrage with President Obama's statement that Ms. Kagan fights for ordinary citizens as shown by her argument "in the Citizens United case, [where] she defended bipartisan campaign finance reform against special interests seeking to spend unlimited money to influence our elections."

    Citizens United, of course, is responsible for the Supreme Court's now notorious 5-4 holding in Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission that created, for the first time in American history, "corporate speech" rights for all corporations that are equivalent to the people's speech rights for purposes of expenditures in American campaigns and elections.

  • May 11, 2010

    The Obama administration today announced a shift in priorities for combating drug use.

    "The Strategy focuses on treatment - because despite our best efforts some people do become drug users," Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) Director Gil Kerlikowski says in a video statement. "We need to intervene early, to prevent use from progressing to addiction. We need to increase accessibility to evidence‐based treatments to help those in trouble. And we must promote comprehensive recovery support."

    The new strategy follows other changes in the federal approach to drug policy under the Obama administration, including deprioritizing medical marijuana prosecutions, pushing to end the sentencing disparity for powder- and crack-cocaine possession, and repealing a ban on publicly funded needle exchanges.

  • May 11, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Amanda Cohen Leiter, Associate Professor, Columbus School of Law, The Catholic University of America
    Many others have extolled Justice John Paul Stevens and described the large shoes that Elena Kagan will have to fill if confirmed. I will not add to their comments here. (I note, though, that few of us are as qualified to evaluate Kagan's aptitude for the task -- or her progressive credentials, for that matter -- as the man who appointed her, who has more than a passing familiarity with constitutional law and has also had occasion to question Kagan closely and privately on her judicial philosophy and her beliefs on a range of matters.)

    I write instead to highlight a little-heralded but enormously important consequence of the Founders' idea of requesting the Senate's advice and consent on Supreme Court nominees: For a few days around each nomination, a quiet but extremely powerful branch of government, scrutinized in Washington but largely disregarded outside the Beltway, finds itself in the limelight, and the public is given the opportunity to consider both the role that branch plays in our lives and the characteristics we would like to see in those who serve it.

    For those short days, we all take the time to ask ourselves whether a Justice should have prior judicial experience; whether she should be empathetic to the parties before the court or impartial and umpire-like; whether she should be a scholar or a practitioner; whether, in this particular case, her skills as a manager and a resolver of conflicts (being a successful Dean of a notoriously fractious law school necessarily called upon those skills) will help her bridge gaps and find points of agreement on the Court; and whether her gender, age, race, and religion should count for her, or against her, or not at all. No matter how we each answer those questions, we should be honored and grateful that our Constitution invites us all, albeit indirectly, to have thoughts on these issues. It is that invitation, and our participation in the resulting discussions and debates, that give the Court its legitimacy, and lend truth to Kagan's observation, on accepting her nomination, that "law ... is the foundation of our democracy."

  • May 11, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Rachel Levinson, Senior Counsel, American Association of University Professors

    Update (12:46 p.m., 5/14/10): Under the Fraud Against Taxpayers Act, the recipient of a Civil Investigative Demand can ask the court to modify or set aside the demand on the basis of procedural flaws or the recipient's "constitutional or other legal right or privilege." Because the period of time to petition the court is shorter than the period to respond to the demand itself, the deadline for the University of Virginia to file such a petition had been Thursday, May 20. It has recently been reported, however, that the University plans to ask Cuccinelli for more time to file such a petition. If Cuccinelli refuses, the Act suggests that the court cannot extend the time on its own; no word yet on when the request will formally be made or what Cuccinelli's response will be.  

    In 1951, at the height of the McCarthy era, the New Hampshire legislature passed a statute intended to root out subversive persons and organizations in the state. Several years later, the legislature followed up with a resolution that gave the state attorney general nearly unfettered power to conduct investigations, determine whether subversive persons still lingered in the New Hampshire woods, and launch criminal prosecutions.

    The attorney general, Louis Wyman, enthusiastically took to his task, targeting Paul Sweezy, founder of the Socialist magazine Monthly Review. Sweezy proved to be an unwilling witness, refusing to answer such questions as whether he and his wife were active in the Progressive Party and declining to describe the substance of a guest lecture he had delivered to a humanities course at the University of New Hampshire. Frustrated by Sweezy's refusal to answer, Wyman had Sweezy adjudged in contempt in court and thrown in county jail.

    Sweezy sued, arguing that the questions violated his rights under the First Amendment. At the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Warren admonished the New Hampshire legislature and its eager attorney general in the only opinion that garnered more than one joiner (his compatriots were Black, Douglas, and Brennan):

    [L]egislative investigations ... are capable of encroaching upon the constitutional liberties of individuals. It is particularly important that the exercise of the power of compulsory process be carefully circumscribed when the investigative process tends to impinge upon such highly sensitive areas as ... freedom of communication of ideas, particularly in the academic community.

    Warren went on, "No field of education is so thoroughly comprehended by man that new discoveries cannot yet be made .... Scholarship cannot flourish in an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust."

    Ken Cuccinelli apparently did not get the memo. Cuccinelli, you may recall, is the Virginia state attorney general who briefly introduced lapel pins featuring a Confederate-era state seal with the Roman Goddess Virtus' traditionally bare breast modestly covered up. That folly, which Cuccinelli is now desperately trying to downplay, pales in comparison to Cuccinelli's current mission: to intimidate scientists, scholars, and the state's flagship university by using five-year-old grant applications as the hook for a sweeping civil subpoena demanding years worth of documents from the University of Virginia.