May 2010

  • May 25, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Jay Stanley, senior policy analyst at the American Civil Liberties Union's Speech, Privacy and Technology Program. Stanley is author of a recent Issue Brief published by ACS entitled "The Crisis in Fourth Amendment Jurisprudence."
    The privacy rights of Americans have come under a sustained assault in the past decade. In that time we have seen not only 9/11 attacks, but also a few additional, comparatively minor terrorist attacks, two wars, a constant stream of revolutionary new technologies, greatly expanded powers for our security agencies, and a relentless political drumbeat pounding on the supposed need to give those agencies even more powers to peer into our lives without due process or meaningful oversight.

    Underlying all this, however, is a problem that pre-existed all of it: the fact that the Supreme Court's interpretation of the Fourth Amendment has gone badly off track. And that problem has intensified the erosion of our privacy caused by those other factors over the last 9 years.

    The general consensus of a wide variety of commentators is that there are two principal problems with the Supreme Court's Fourth Amendment jurisprudence:

    • The "third party doctrine," under which information shared with any third party loses all Fourth Amendment protection. Financial information held by your bank or medical information held by your doctor, for example has been exposed to a "third party," and under this doctrine is thus deemed to have been "given up" by you and therefore stripped of Fourth Amendment protection.
    • The emergence of a circular standard of "reasonable expectation of privacy," under which Fourth Amendment protection only extends to those situations where an individual has an "expectation" of privacy that society is prepared to recognize as reasonable. As a result of this approach, the Fourth Amendment as it is currently interpreted provides no protection against a wide array of intrusive searches.

    What's needed is a broad revival of the Fourth Amendment in American law.

  • May 25, 2010

    Recapping yesterday's Supreme Court opinion that brushed aside the National Football League's attempt to win exemption from federal antitrust law, Sports Law columnist for SI.com Michael McCann says it "effectively ends the NFL's decades-long quest for immunity from Section 1, the leading source of antitrust law in professional sports."

    McCann, a professor of sports law and antitrust at Vermont Law School, writes:

    The NFL has long argued that while its teams compete on, and in some ways off, the field, they should be viewed as a "single entity" for many of their business practices. Because Section 1 only regulates collaborations by competitors, single entities -- which courts have traditionally limited to parent companies and wholly-owned subsidiaries on the premise that they necessarily collaborate -- are not subject to it.

    The applicability of Section 1 to contracts and other business agreements matters considerably. If subject to Section 1, agreements are scrutinized for their impact on consumers and prices, with contracts that raise prices or diminish supply particularly susceptible to legal challenge. In contrast, agreements immune from Section 1 can raise consumer prices or produce other economically-concerning effects often without legal consequence.

    The Supreme Court's decision helps the NFL Players' Association. The Players' Association had feared that the Supreme Court would not only identify a single entity for NFL apparel contracts, but for all business dealings. Such a decision could have empowered the league to unilaterally impose labor conditions, such as regressive salary restrictions and limited free agency rights, without concern of Section 1. Instead, the league will have to collectively bargain labor conditions with the Players' Association in order to avoid Section 1 scrutiny. The certainty of the decision can only help collective bargaining discussions between owners and the players.

    For more analysis of the case, American Needle v. NFL, see McCann's post-decision coverage for ACSblog here.

  • May 24, 2010
    The Obama administration's recently released drug control strategy has drawn some plaudits for shifting from prior administrations' policies of focusing almost exclusively on punishing suppliers.

    Although Harold Pollack in an article for The New Republic says the policy, released last week, still focuses too much on the supply-side, he maintained, "America's drug policies just got a whole lot better." Pollack says the policy released by the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) still continues to "spend billions on operations against drug suppliers which have little demonstrated value."

    But, in his TNR article, Pollack says ONDCP head Gil Kerlikowske (pictured with President Obama) should be credited with limiting the "traditional blunderbuss rhetoric of American drug policy." Pollack continues, "This change is matched by Kerlikowske's personal inclusiveness and civility, traits that his Republican predecessor John Walters - who is known for alienating liberals and conservatives alike with his ecumenical disregards for opposing views - certainly did not possess.

    Even before the release of the ONDCP's 2010 National Drug Strategy, Newsweek reported on a leaked version of it.

    In a post for The Reality-Based Community blog, Professor Mark Kleiman discussed the leak, but also noted that the "new strategy can't completely avoid the trap of bowing in the direction of existing programs to get past agency review, and it has its share of pointless quantitative goals (some of them mandated by law). For example, there's no reason to think that the federal government has the capacity to reduce prevalence of drug use by 15%, or that raising the fraction of drugs seized on their way to the U.S. is either feasible or useful."

    Kleiman, professor of Public Policy and Director of the Drug Policy Analysis Program at the UCLA School of Public Affairs, however, said the strategy provides a list of positives. He writes:

    But the strategy offers a fairly impressive list of innovations to set off against those disappointments. Of course the ones that matter most to me testing-and-sanctions programs for drug-involved offenders (which the "formidable" Bennett and McCaffrey never dared to endorse) and David Kennedy's Drug Market Intervention program designed to eliminate problematic drug markets without mass arrests. Together, those two programs alone would radically reduce the links between drugs and crime, and yet because they're neither "supply" or "demand" programs and have no visceral appeal to either side of the culture wars, they've struggled to get attention.

    Rather than just promising to pump more money into the existing drug-treatment machinery, the strategy focuses on the contribution the mainstream health-care effort could make toward dealing with substance abuse, in particular screening, brief intervention, and referral to treatment (SBIRT). The money potentially available for his purpose under the health care bill, and in particular through the community clinic system, dwarfs the formal treatment system. The strategy aims to make sure that potential gets used; if it does, the effective balance between "supply" and "demand" spending would shift radically in fact, though it wouldn't change on paper.

  • May 24, 2010
    Following an ACS event focusing on the 75th anniversary of the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), which was created to protect the rights of workers and encourage collective bargaining, Professor James J. Brudney talked with ACSblog about the historical nature of the act and the impact of the evolving nature of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) on it. Brudney noted that NLRB, which administers the NLRA and enforces employees' rights, has evolved overtime to become a more politicized body. Brudney said that the historically the NLRB was not a political entity. But the NLRB has become more political Brudney said, noting that in the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan began appointing attorneys to the NLRB who had "experience in union-avoidance terms."

    The event also included a keynote address by Deputy Secretary of Labor, Seth Harris, followed by a panel discussion of scholars and former NLRB members. The panel moderated by West Virginia University law school professor Anne M. Lofaso, included Brudney, and former NLRB members Dennis Walsh and Marshall B. Babson.

    Brudney's interview is below or can be downloaded as podcast here. Video of the entire event, including Harris' keynote, is here or can be viewed by clicking image of Harris (right).

  • May 24, 2010
    The Supreme Court ruled this morning that a group of African American firefighters can go forward with a lawsuit against Chicago charging discrimination in its use of an employment test. In Lewis v. City of Chicago, the unanimous court overturning a federal appeals court decision, concluded that plaintiffs in this matter had not waited too long to challenge Chicago officials' use of a test to hire firefighters. The plaintiffs in the case, a group of potential firefighters, had argued that Chicago officials employed a test in a way that negatively impacted African American applicants. A U.S. District Court agreed that the city's use of the test did discriminate against black applicants, but that decision was later overturned by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit.

    City officials had argued that the plaintiffs had waited too long to file their lawsuit pursuant to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Civil Rights Act requires that a charge of discrimination must first be lodged with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in a specified timeframe. Writing for the majority, Justice Antonin Scalia maintained that the plaintiffs claim was properly filed under the Civil Rights Act. "Title VII does not define ‘employment practice,' but we think it clear that the term encompasses the conduct of which petitioners complain: the exclusion of passing applicants who scored below 89 (until the supply of scores 89 or above was exhausted) when selecting those who would advance. Although the City had adopted the eligibility list (embodying the score cutoffs) earlier and announced its intention to draw from that list, it made use of the practice of excluding those who scored 88 or below each time it filled a new class of firefighters. Petitioners alleged that this exclusion caused a disparate impact. Whether they adequately proved that is not before us. What matters is that their allegations, based on the City's actual implementation of its policy, stated a cognizable claim."

    The Associated Press noted that today's ruling was the second time in recent years that the Court "has tackled discrimination in testing within the firefighting ranks." In 2009, the high court ruled in Ricci v. DeStefano that Connecticut city officials had used a firefighter's employment test in a discriminatory manner.

    John Payton, president and director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, lauded the Supreme Court's decision. Payton told the AP, "Today, the Supreme Court affirmed that job-seekers should not be denied justice based on a technicality. This victory goes well beyond the immediate results in Chicago. It should ensure that no other fire department or employer uses a discriminatory test, and LDF will go the extra mile to make sure that they do not."