January 2010

  • January 18, 2010

    Memories of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. were recalled by former ACS Board of Directors member Roger Wilkins and Pulitzer Prize winning historian Taylor Branch at a 2006 ACS event dedicated to Dr. King. Wilkins spoke about King's efforts to convert Chicago gang members to non-violence, while Branch spoke of King's dedication to causes far broader than desegregation -- his passion for ending the "triple associated scourges of poverty, racism and war."  Video is available at this link.

    Watch Dr. King's "I Have A Dream" speech below.

  • January 15, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Estelle Rogers, Director of Advocacy, Project Vote

    Some good news came out of Washington Tuesday.

    Sound unlikely? That's because the news comes from the STATE of Washington, where the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals essentially struck down the state's felon disenfranchisement law because it's racially discriminatory and violates the federal Voting Rights Act.

    The case, Farrakhan v. Gregoire, has been in the federal courts since 1996, when the plaintiffs -- all minority citizens who had been convicted of felonies -- sued the state, claiming that the disenfranchisement law discriminated on the basis of race because Washington disproportionately prosecutes and sentences minorities. They produced some compelling social science research to show that disparities in Washington's rates of criminal investigation, vehicle searches, arrest, bail recommendations, and confinement could not be explained by "legitimate" factors, such as the higher rate of minority involvement in criminal activity. Rather, the court concluded, the state's criminal justice system is riddled with racial discrimination at every stage.

    Amazingly, the state didn't dispute the social science evidence, but merely claimed that, even assuming its validity, it is legally insufficient to sustain the plaintiffs' claim under the Voting Rights Act that the felon disenfranchisement law results in the denial of the right to vote on account of race. The court disagreed.

    So now what?

  • January 15, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Erik Iverson, PhD Candidate, The Fletcher School at Tufts University & Fellow, Truman National Security Project

    The Obama Administration's decision to bring criminal charges against Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab (pictured at left), the suspected perpetrator of the attempted Christmas Day bombing of a jetliner over Detroit, has provoked a firestorm of controversy. What is the appropriate balance between a foreign national's right to due process and the national security concerns of the American public? Critics insist that alleged terrorists not be afforded Fifth Amendment rights, including that against self-incrimination, lest it delay or obstruct the timely collection of intelligence. Others suggest that a betrayal of American values is in and of itself a betrayal of American security. The only thing that both sides can agree on is that the Congress should reform the rules and procedures governing terrorism prosecutions to better protect intelligence sources and methods, the legitimacy of the justice system, and the rights of the accused. In the interim, however, there are a number of pragmatic reasons to believe that subjecting at least some classes of suspected terrorists to criminal proceedings would improve our ability to prevail in the fight against terrorism.

    Most importantly, by adhering to the principles of due process, the U.S. Government increases the likelihood that the family and friends of individuals contemplating terrorist attacks in the future will inform the appropriate authorities. We stand to prevent far more attacks by enlisting the cooperation of the moderate associates of radicalized individuals -- parents, siblings, friends, and co-workers -- than we do by subjecting suspected terrorists to harsh interrogation and indefinite detention.

    Second, the criminal justice system affords the government the credibility to offer incentives to suspects in exchange for truthful, timely cooperation. Interrogations sometimes yield information of dubious quality in the hours and days after an attack, in part, because security officials don't always possess the credibility to incite meaningful cooperation from suspects facing an uncertain fate. On the other hand, FBI interviewers and federal prosecutors have successfully worked within the criminal justice system for decades to secure intelligence, run informants, and aggressively dismantle organized crime networks. Why shouldn't we put their experience to good use against terrorists too?

  • January 14, 2010
    Conservative pundit George Will argues in a Washington Post column that wobbly conservatives deplore so-called judicial activism, but true conservatives would support a court decision striking down a health care law requiring individuals to purchase coverage.

    In his column for The Post, Will maintains that the supporters of the heath care mandate are inadequately defending the proposed legislation on constitutional grounds. He asserts that if Congress and the executive branch can require people to buy health care coverage, they could also require people to get in shape. Will writes, "Why not the Anti-Couch Potato Act to Make Calisthenics Mandatory and to Impose a $50 Excise tax on Cheeseburgers Because Unhealthy Lifestyles Affect Interstate Commerce?"

    Although Will cites one pundit, the National Journal's Stuart Taylor, as arguing that the Supreme Court would likely uphold the constitutionality of such a mandate, he could have pointed to numerous others, such as constitutional law experts, Erwin Chemerinsky or Robert A. Schapiro

    Or he could have cited a recent Issue Brief released by ACS, in which Simon Lazarus, public policy counsel for the National Senior Citizens Law Center (NSCLC), refutes the arguments that Congress has given short-shrift to the Constitution in fashioning its legislation.

    As Lazarus writes:

    Many independent experts, studies, and analyses concur in Congress' judgment that health reform with universal coverage must include a responsibility requirement; without it, not enough individuals will participate in a voluntary system, adverse selection will continue, the government will continue to overpay for care for the uninsured, and overall health reform will be unsustainable.

    He concludes that the individual mandate "is lawful and clearly so - pursuant either to Congress' authority to ‘regulate commerce among the several states,' or to its authority to ‘lay and collect taxes to provide for the General Welfare.'"

    Lazarus' Issue Brief, "Mandatory Health Insurance: Is it Constitutional?" is available here.

  • January 14, 2010

    By Kent Willis, Executive Director, ACLU of Virginia

    With only two days left in office, Governor Tim Kaine has the power to rid Virginia of its last official vestige of Jim Crow and join the 48 other states that restore (or never remove) voting rights for persons with felony convictions. So now is the time for you to tell Governor Kaine to do the right thing.

    Approximately 300,000 Virginians with felony convictions who are no longer in prison and are not on probation or parole are barred from voting for life. Kentucky is the only other state with such a punitive disfranchisement policy; all other states have realized that prohibiting so many people from voting is unjust and counterproductive.

    Under the Virginia Constitution, an individual's right to vote must be restored by an executive act of the Governor. Currently those seeking to have their rights restored must apply to the Governor's office, but the application process is both daunting and subjective -- the Governor has the authority to reject any application regardless of how spotless the applicant's post-conviction record may be. We recently learned, for example, that the Governor has an unwritten policy of turning down applicants solely because they have speeding tickets.

    When he leaves office this Saturday, Governor Kaine will have restored voting rights for about 4,500 individuals -- a mere drop or two in Virginia's bucket of 300,000 disfranchised persons.

    Virginia's disfranchisement law is a hold-over from the Jim Crow era. Indeed, at the 1901-02 Virginia Constitutional Convention, where felony disfranchisement, poll taxes, literacy tests and appointed school boards were either perpetuated or established, one delegate explained: "This plan will eliminate the darkey as a political factor in this State in less than 5 years, so that in no single county ... will there be the least concern felt for the complete supremacy of the white race in the affairs of government."