January 2010

  • January 20, 2010
    Guest Post

    Gregory T. Nojeim, Senior Counsel and Director of the Project on Freedom, Security & Technology at the Center for Democracy & Technology 

    The Washington Post reported yesterday that the FBI abused its authority to issue National Security Letters (NSLs) and that this abuse permitted it to illegally obtain more than 2,000 telephone call records from 2002-2006. This disclosure, made while Congress contemplates Patriot Act legislation that could rein in use of NSLs, should prompt a re-examination of the approaches taken in the pending bills.

    A national security letter is a simple form document issued by the FBI and other agencies of the government to obtain telephone call records, email to/from information, and other records about communications, as well as financial, credit, and other records, without any prior judicial authorization. NSLs are served on the business entities that hold the records and the businesses that receive NSLs must comply or challenge them in court, and with limited exceptions, are barred from disclosing to anyone that they have received or complied with the demand for records.

    The Patriot Act removed most of the legal restraints on issuing NSLs, including the requirement that the NSL seek information that pertains to a spy, a terrorist or another agent of a foreign power, and the requirement that agents articulate a factual basis for seeking records with an NSL. But it left in place the very minimal requirement that the NSL be issued only to seek information relevant to an investigation to protect against international terrorism or clandestine intelligence activities. Rather than comply with this minimal requirement, FBI officials issued "exigent letters" to obtain information that should have been sought with NSLs even when no investigation had been opened, and in some cases, even though the information was not sought in an emergency situation. "Exigent letters" were a creation of the FBI and have no basis in law.

    After this and other abuses were disclosed in a DOJ Inspector General report issued in March 2007, the FBI put in place administrative changes it said were designed to prevent a recurrence. Those changes included internal review by lead attorneys in FBI field offices of NSL requests. However, The Washington Post article reveals that officials who sanctioned the illegal exigent records included senior officials of the FBI - managers as high as Assistant Director of the FBI. It is not likely that an attorney in an FBI field office will be able to stop illegal activity sanctioned by his boss's boss. That the abuses went this high up the chain of command at the FBI had not been previously revealed.

  • January 19, 2010

    After publishing his latest, extensive review of the Seton Hall study on three questionable detainee deaths at Guantanamo Bay, Harper's Magazine's Scott Horton took to the airwaves last night to discuss the details provided by a new whistleblower and the government's response.

    Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

  • January 19, 2010
    Guest Post
    Editor's Note: This is the opening post in an ACSblog debate on the constitutional rights of corporations between David H. Gans of the Constitutional Accountability Center and Michael S. Greve of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. Mr. Greve's post is scheduled for tomorrow.
    By David H. Gans. Mr. Gans is Director of the Human Rights, Civil Rights, and Citizenship Program at the Constitutional Accountability Center (CAC). He is lead author of CAC's forthcoming narrative, "A Capitalist Joker": Corporations, Corporate Personhood, and the Constitution," and co-author of the brief CAC filed, along with the League of Women Voters, in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. This article is cross-posted at Text & History.

    Citizens United v. FEC raises fundamental questions about our Constitution, and our democracy. It is with good reason that the Court's failure to decide the case to date has received more press than most actual Supreme Court decisions receive. Citizens United argues that corporations have the same constitutional rights as the American people do to spend money on elections, and that the government may not limit corporate spending on elections. If the Court agrees, our democracy will suffer for it. Obama's 2008 fundraising records could easily have been dwarfed by a single mega-corporation willing to divert a tiny fraction of its profits to the election of its preferred candidate.

    If the Justices decide the case based on the Constitution's text and history, Citizens United's sweeping claim would certainly be rejected. In CAC's forthcoming report, "A Capitalist Joker": Corporations, Corporate Personhood, and the Constitution" (released as a discussion draft in December and available here), we show that, from the very beginnings of our Nation, the constitutional protections available to living persons and corporations have been fundamentally different. While James Madison wrote the Bill of Rights to protect the "great rights of mankind," corporations did not have any right to exist, let alone the same fundamental rights as "We the People." From the founding on, as Chief Justice Marshall explained, corporations were "artificial being[s], invisible, intangible, and existing only in the contemplation of law" and "possess[ing] only those properties which the charter of creation confer . . . . " To be sure, corporations received a host of special privileges that enabled them to succeed in business and some limited constitutional protection for their property rights, but these corporate attributes subjected them to greater government regulation, not less.

    The distinctions between citizens and corporations are most pronounced when it comes to elections. The Constitution protects the rights of citizens to vote through constitutional amendments that no one could reasonably read to protect corporations, and prevention of improper corporate influence over the electoral process has been a pillar of our democracy as far back as 1833, when President Andrew Jackson castigated the Bank of the United States for its political spending on elections. In 1907, Congress enacted the Tillman Act and wrote into federal law a sharp distinction between the campaign finance laws applicable to living persons and those applicable to corporations, with the latter strictly regulated to prevent corruption of the electoral process. That sharp distinction has been there ever since, repeatedly reaffirmed by Congress and upheld by the courts.

  • January 19, 2010

    Anti-death penalty advocates united from across the political spectrum this weekend in Louisville, Ky, for the annual conference of the National Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty (NCADP). The Associated Press's Brett Barrouquere reported from the event that social and fiscal conservatives are increasingly alligning with the movement to end capital punishment.

    "Roy Brown seems like a rarity - a conservative who's against the death penalty," wrote Barrouquere. "But to Brown, a state senator and the 2008 Republican nominee for governor of Montana, the philosophy aligns perfectly with conservative ideology."

    On its homepage, NCADP cites a number of arguments against the death penalty that could appeal to progressives and conservatives alike, including assertions about its deterrence value, religious arguments, highlighting the execution of innocent people, and the high costs relative to life imprisonment without parole.

    The bi-partisan wave of opposition to the death penalty may be part of a larger recognition that tough-on-crime solutions are increasing criminal justice costs without delivering corresponding benefits. Prof. Mark Kleiman, UCLA School of Public Affairs, advocates for an alternative, smart-on-crime approach in his recent book When Brute Force Fails

  • January 19, 2010
    The Washington Post reported this morning that between 2002 and 2006 the FBI "illegally collected more than 2,000 telephone records ... by invoking terrorism emergencies that did not exist or simply persuading phone companies to provide records, according to internal bureau memos and interviews." The Post noted that a Justice Department inspector general report due this month is likely to conclude that the spy agency "frequently violated the law with its emergency requests, bureau officials confirmed." TalkLeft has a detailed account of the newspaper's reporting on the illegally obtained phone records here.

    The newspaper continued, "Documents show that senior FBI managers up to the assistant director level approved the procedures for emergency requests of phone records and that headquarters officials often made the requests, which persisted for two years after bureau lawyers raised concerns and an FBI official began pressing for changes."