August 2009

  • August 26, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Amanda Frost, associate professor of law, American University Washington College of Law.

    The Obama administration's use of the state secrets privilege has thus far been similar to that of its predecessor, so now is the time for Congress to ensure that the privilege is not used to squelch all challenges to national security policy.

    The privilege allows the executive branch to withhold documents and information sought in litigation that would pose a risk to national security. The Bush administration frequently went even further, arguing that the privilege operated as a jurisdictional bar that required the immediate dismissal of cases whose "very subject matter" concerned national security, such as those challenging the legality of extraordinary rendition and warrantless wiretapping. (A history of the privilege, and proposals for reform, are described in an ACS Issue Brief entitled Reforming the State Secrets Privilege, which is now available in the new issue of Advance: The Journal of the ACS Issue Groups.)

    Although many hoped that the Obama administration would change course and rein in use of the privilege, thus far the administration has continued to assert the privilege with the same broad strokes as its predecessor. Just last week, the Solicitor General's office filed an amicus curiae brief arguing that the state secrets privilege is grounded in the President's constitutional role in military and foreign affairs. The amicus brief comes on the heels of the Obama administration's claim before the Ninth Circuit that the privilege requires immediate dismissal of a case challenging the legality of extraordinary rendition-a position the Ninth Circuit rejected in its recent decision in Mohamed v. Jeppesen Dataplan Inc.

  • August 26, 2009
    We note with sadness the passing of U.S. Senator Edward M. Kennedy, a leading advocate of progressive ideals and a friend to ACS. Sen. Kennedy was a major draw at a 2002 ACS national event and more recently he authored an article for the summer 2008 volume of the Harvard Law & Policy Review (HLPR), the official journal of ACS, on the work of the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division.

    A passionate and eloquent voice for the advancement of civil rights, Sen. Kennedy took great interest in the effectives of the Civil Rights Division, and in his article for HLPR wrote that during the Bush administration, a politicization of the Division had resulted in "significant damage to the Division's effectiveness, its reputation, and the morale of its career employees." In Restoring the Civil Rights Division, Kennedy maintained that the Division must be made devoid of political agendas and "return to its historic mission of addressing discrimination based on race in employment, education, housing, and voting."

    In a statement lauding Kennedy's life and work, President Obama said, "An important chapter in our history has come to an end. Our country has lost a great leader, who picked up the torch of his fallen brothers and became the greatest United States senator of our time."

    Additional articles and tributes recognizing Kennedy:

    The New York Times, Edward Kennedy, Senate Stalwart, Dies.

    The BLT: The Blog of Legal Times, Kennedy's Legal Legacy.

    Los Angeles Times, Edward Kennedy dies at 77; ‘liberal lion of the Senate.'

    The Washington Post, Colleagues, Leaders, Locals Mourn Senate ‘Patriarch.'

    Boston Globe, Kennedy dead at 77.

    Also watch The Huffington Post's "video retrospective" of Kennedy, by clicking the image below.

  • August 26, 2009
    Almost 90 years ago, and more than 70 years after the woman's rights convention issued its "Declaration of Sentiments," the United States ratified the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. In June 1920, the Senate voted 56-25 to adopt the amendment, and The New York Times reported that leaders of the National Woman's Party were prepared to promptly "embark upon on a campaign to obtain ratification of the amendment by the necessary three-fourths of the States so that women might have the right to vote in the next Presidential election."

    On Aug. 26, 1920, then-Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby certified the amendment's adoption. The Amendment was ratified on August 18, 1920, following the Tennessee legislature's narrow vote of approval.

    The Nineteenth Amendment states that "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of Sex," and Congress "shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation."

  • August 25, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Liz Seaton, Director of Projects and Managing Attorney, National Center for Lesbian Rights (NCLR).

    Although a federal court today rejected a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) on technical grounds, the Department of Justice's most recent filing in the case and President Obama's comment on it represent significant advances over the Justice Department's approach in its June answer in the case, when the agency came under significant criticism for having vigorously defended DOMA on untenable and offensive grounds.

    For example, the June brief in Smelt v. United States contended that DOMA does not discriminate based on sexual orientation and cited the conservation of financial resources as a legitimate reason for withholding vital federal benefits from same-sex couples.

    By contrast, in this filing, the Justice Department has forthrightly acknowledged that "this Administration does not support DOMA as a matter of policy, believes that it is discriminatory, and supports its repeal." Additionaly in a press statement announcing the new brief, President Obama said, "my Administration believes that the Act is discriminatory and should be repealed by Congress." 

    While this brief is not perfect from our perspective - the Justice Department continues to defend DOMA and to argue that laws that discriminate based on sexual orientation do not raise serious constitutional issues - it represents a dramatic step forward. In addition to the forthright admission that DOMA discriminates, the brief expressly repudiates one of the most insidious and harmful arguments used to justify unequal treatment of LGBT people - namely, the claim that same-sex parents are inferior to heterosexual parents. 

    In its latest brief, the Justice Department repudiates that claim expressly, stating:

    [T]he government does not contend that there are legitimate government interests in "creating a legal structure that promotes the raising of children by both of their biological parents" or that the government's interest in "responsible procreation" justifies Congress's decision to define marriage as a union between one man and one woman. Since DOMA was enacted, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Psychological Association, the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, the American Medical Association, and the Child Welfare League of America have issued policies opposing restrictions on lesbian and gay parenting because they concluded, based on numerous studies, that children raised by gay and lesbian parents are as likely to be well-adjusted as children raised by heterosexual parents.

  • August 25, 2009
    In his ACS Issue Brief on the state of federal law regarding worker safety, Professor David M. Uhlmann maintains that Congress should bolster the penalties for violations. In Prosecuting Worker Endangerment: The Need for Stronger Criminal Penalties for Violations of the Occupational Safety and Health Act, Uhlmann, a University of Michigan Law School professor, writes:

    The criminal provisions of our worker safety laws are so weak that they do little to protect America's workers. Misdemeanor violations provide little deterrence and minimal incentive for prosecutors and law enforcement personnel, who reserve their limited resources for the crimes Congress has deemed most egregious by making them felonies (with significant maximum penalties). Focusing exclusively on violations involving worker deaths ignores the pain and anguish that results from serious injuries, which also may warrant criminal remedies. Limiting prosecution to willful violations may make ignorance of the law a defense, contrary to the time-honored maxim of American jurisprudence that ignorance of the law is not a defense. Finally, only ‘employers' can be prosecuted for criminal violations of the OSH Act [Occupational Safety and Health], which means that the mid-level managers who have the greatest day-to-day responsibility for unsafe working conditions often are immune from criminal prosecution under the Act.

    Uhlmann, in part, argues that the criminal provisions of OSHA must be bolstered "to reflect the Act's emphasis on public health and safety, to provide the credible criminal deterrent that is needed to ensure greater compliance with worker safety laws, and to provide consistency with other federal regulatory crimes."