July 2009

  • July 16, 2009
    Guest Post

    By David Danzig, the Deputy Program Director at Human Rights First, is in Cuba to monitor the proceedings and report back on events as they unfold. His previous guest blog post on the proceedings is here.

    Guantánamo Bay, July 15, 2009: As the Obama administration and Congress mull reinventing for the third time a legal system to try terrorism suspects, three hearings were held today at Guantánamo Bay in the military commission cases of Omar Khadr, Mohammed Kamin, and Ibrahim al Qosi.

    The good news is that changes the Obama administration has asked for may help improve a process that has never operated in a way that folks familiar with the American legal system would recognize as justice. The bad news is that the system is so flawed that these changes cannot salvage it. Meanwhile, our normal federal criminal courts competently go about the business of trying international terrorism cases, to the tune of over one hundred, in the years shortly before and since 9/11. Go figure.

    Most of the court time today was spent on motions that the government made seeking a 120-day delay in each of the cases. Doesn't it seem that something is fundamentally wrong with a system in which after six or seven years of holding a man in prison, the government has to ask for another four months to prepare?

    Here are some tidbits from the proceedings I observed today.

    * * * * * * * * *

    "I will take a shower when you guys are ready to send me home," said Mohammed Kamin, a detainee who was captured on May 14, 2003, and has been held at Guantánamo since at least 2004. Kamin declined to attend his hearing today, saying he had no interest in participating in the military commission process and declining an offer for a shower before the hearing. (Kamin's remarks were reported to the court by a representative of the Staff Judge Advocate's office who spoke to the detainee through his "bean hole" - a waist-high slot in his cell that is used to deliver food.)

  • July 16, 2009
    Guest Post

    Peggy Cooper Davis, John S.R. Shad Professor of Lawyering and Ethics, New York University School of Law

    Many have expressed regret about the fact that prospective Justice Sonia Sotomayor has supported the fiction that judging is or ever could be a neutral and fully objective process. I share their concern and offer a distinction that might be helpful as we attempt to address this question more honestly.

    A judge's personal biography and status can affect decisionmaking in two ways: 1) it can sensitize her to familiar perspectives, and 2) it can distance her from perspectives that are unfamiliar. We should embrace the first effect and guard against the second, for, as James Boyd White said most eloquently, our goal in litigation should be to assure that decisionmakers consider all that can fairly be said on each side of a controversy.

    Given the make up of our judiciary, it is clear that we should welcome the addition of "wise Latinas." To deny this is to overlook the component of wisdom.

    We must never forget the words of the great African American Federal District Judge Constance Baker Motley in response to a motion that she recuse herself in a discrimination case involving, as I recall, a woman of color. They were to this effect: There is no judge in this courthouse who does not have a race and a gender.

  • July 15, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Paul M. Secunda, Associate Professor of Law, Marquette University Law School

    During the second day of the Sonia Sotomayor confirmation hearings, a telling exchange occurred between the Judge and the Senate Judiciary Committee. The exchange concerned the recently decided employment discrimination case of Ricci v. DeStefano (U.S. June 29, 2009). As some readers of this blog undoubtedly know, the case established a new test for deciding when a municipality could lawfully throw out the results of a job promotion exam because of its disparate impact on a Title VII-protected group of individuals.

    In a closely divided 5-4 opinion, which the usual suspects aligned on either side of the ledger, the Court held that the adverse impact of the test results in a New Haven firefighter promotion test that amounted to a prima facie case of disparate impact discrimination against black employees was not a defense to a disparate treatment case brought by white employees because the employer did not have a "strong basis in evidence" to believe that it would be liable for disparate impact discrimination. The majority came to this conclusion by importing into Title VII a color-blind standard from constitutional equal protection cases like Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School Dist. No. 1, 127 S.Ct. 2738 (2007) (plurality opinion).

    As Judge Sotomayor pointed out, the state of Title VII employment discrimination law at the time her Second Circuit Court of Appeals panel heard the case did not embrace the Supreme Court's eventual chosen test. Indeed, the law in this area of disparate impact cases was sufficiently established that the Second Circuit panel was able to enter a per curiam decision affirming the factually-oriented, district court decision.

    Of course, the Republican Senators on the Judiciary Committee, including Senators Sessions and Hatch, sought to portray Judge Sotomayor as an activist for joining the panel's decision in this case and attacked her on that basis. Nothing, however, could be further from the truth. In fact, whereas Judge Sotomayor followed established precedent in this area of the law, there is a much better argument that it was the Supreme Court, which relied on case precedent from non-Title VII case law to come to its surprising conclusion, that had engaged in judicial activism to reach a desired outcome in favor of the white firefighters challenging the city's decision to throw out the initial exam test scores.

    As my colleague Professor Michael Zimmer has ably demonstrated, Justice Kennedy, the author of the majority opinion in Ricci "takes an enormous leap from the first conclusion - that the City acted because it knew the ‘statistical disparity based on race'-to his second - that it rejected the test ‘solely because the higher scoring candidates were white . . . . [I]t [now] appears that an employer's conscious knowledge of the race of those affected by its decisions suffices to make out intentional disparate treatment discrimination. This appears to be a tremendous change in the law."

  • July 15, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Bernadette A. Meyler, Professor of Law, Cornell University Law School. See Professor Meyler's previous post on the Senate's Supreme Court Confirmation hearings here.

    As Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island astutely observed, if confirmed, Judge Sonia Sotomayor will not only be the first Latina on the Supreme Court, but will also be the sole member of that body who has served as a district court judge.

    Justice O'Connor, the first woman to be appointed to the Court, similarly brought a somewhat different legal background to her task than her colleagues. She had previously been both a state legislator and a state court judge, and commentators have often suggested that her experience in those state capacities helped shape her views on federalism and her respect for state sovereignty.

    What, then, might be the implications of a Supreme Court Justice with district court experience?

    One answer might serve to explain the conciseness of the Ricci v. DeStefano summary order that has been the subject of so much controversy, and about which Ricci himself is slated to testify. In that summary order, the three-judge panel affirmed the rationale of what it called the "thorough, thoughtful, and well-reasoned opinion of the [district] court below." During her confirmation hearing, Judge Sotomayor has emphasized the length and comprehensiveness of that district court opinion, and she has expressed respect for the efforts of the trial court. Judge Sotomayor's experience on the district court may have contributed to a view that, although the determinations of law below are not entitled to the same degree of deference as those of fact, it was not necessary to supplement or supersede the otherwise sufficient reasoning of the district court judge in the Ricci case.

    Just as those in favor of a rigorous conception of federalism place significance on local determinations, and members of the founding generation feared fact-finding in the Supreme Court because it might contravene the independence of regional juries, we might see considerable value in granting more weight to the decisions of district courts. It is, after all, the district court judge who assesses all the evidence in person, and who is best positioned to evaluate the entirety of the circumstances of the case. Confirming someone who can appreciate the vantage point of the district court judge would certainly add another welcome element of diversity to the Supreme Court.

     

  • July 15, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Liz Seaton, Director of Projects and Managing Attorney, National Center for Lesbian Rights (NCLR)

    On April 22, Allen Ray Andrade was convicted of the murder in the first degree and as a hate crime under state law for killing Angie Zapata, 18, a transgender woman whom he savagely beat to death with a fire extinguisher in her home in Greeley, Colo. in July, 2008. I wrote then about the need for passage of the federal hate crimes bill.

    At that time, Weld County Prosecutor Ken Buck, whose office ably prosecuted the case, joined in pressing for passage of a federal hate crimes law. On April 29, the House passed the federal hate crimes bill, which includes both sexual orientation and gender identity, by a vote of 249-175.

    Today, July 15, the trial for the murder of Lateisha "Teish" Green, a 22-year-old African American transgender woman, continues in Syracuse, N.Y. Ms. Green was shot and killed on November 14, 2008, and the shooter, Dwight R. DeLee, was allegedly motivated by anti-LGBT bias and his belief that Lateisha was gay. The Onondaga County District Attorney has charged DeLee with second degree murder as a hate crime.

    As the Transgender Legal Defense and Education Fund reports, "That Lateisha was, in fact, transgender highlights the unique nature of this prosecution, as well as the need for reform of New York State and federal hate crime laws. New York State law currently classifies it as a hate crime for an individual to target and attack a victim because of the victim's actual or perceived sexual orientation. While Lateisha was a transgender woman, Lateisha's murder is a hate crime because her attacker perceived her to be gay and targeted her for violence because of that perception. Neither New York State nor federal hate crime laws include gender identity or gender expression as protected hate crime categories."

    Increased state-level investigations and prosecutions are a welcome development, but they do not replace the need for a federal law prohibiting these heinous crimes in the first place. The nature and frequency of violent acts motivated by anti-LGBT animus are extremely well-documented and this legislation is supported by a strong and diverse coalition.

    In June, Attorney General Holder testified strongly in favor of the measure on behalf of the Department of Justice and the president.

    With yet another murder trial for the killing of a transgender woman of color underway, Senate action is long overdue, and needed now.