May 2009

  • May 18, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Chris Geidner, who is on the Executive Board of the Columbus Lawyer Chapter of ACS and blogs at Law Dork, 2.0. You also can follow him at chrisgeidner on Twitter.

    As the White House gears up for the confirmation hearings for President Obama's first Supreme Court nominee, it has become clear that the topic of marriage equality (a.k.a., same-sex marriage) will be front and center. Cornell Law professor William Jacobson even suggested in a lengthy article in Sunday's edition of The Washington Post that same-sex marriage could outperform abortion as the "flash point" of this summer's main event.

    In light of the weekly and even daily developments across the country on marriage equality in the few short months since the President took office, it's easy to see how such a topic could dominate discussion. It's not the past developments, though, that are prompting the focus.

    Most recent developments, in fact, appear to defuse conservatives' cries about "activist courts." Save for the Iowa Supreme Court's decision in April, in which the court vigorously defended against claims of judicial activism, most of the current state court battles -- from California to Wisconsin -- are procedural challenges -- not broad, equal protection or due process challenges. What’s more, most of the marriage developments -- from Vermont to Maine to D.C. to New Hampshire -- have come from lawmakers -- not courts. Further still, there has been a concerted effort and great success at chipping away at religious objections by recognizing broad religious exemptions in civil marriage laws in Connecticut and Maine and -- soon -- New Hampshire.

    So, with all of that, why is there such a focus on the thoughts of one potential U.S. Supreme Court justice on marriage equality?

  • May 18, 2009
    The U.S. Supreme Court ruled against four AT&T workers who argued that their pensions were illegally reduced because of pregnancy leave. The employees took pregnancy leave before the Pregnancy Discrimination Act (PDA) was law and a majority of the high court today said the act could not be applied retroactively. Writing for the majority in AT&T v. Hulteen, Justice David Souter said there was no intent by Congress to make the PDA retroactive. "There is no such clear intent here," Souter wrote, "indeed, no indication at all that Congress had retroactive application in mind; the evidence points the other way. Congress provided for the PDA to take effect on the date of enactment, except in its application to certain benefit programs, as to which effectiveness was held back 180 days."

    Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer filed a dissent, saying in part, that the PDA amended the Civil Rights Act "to require that women affected by pregnancy ‘be treated the same for all employment-related purposes, including receipt of benefits under fringe benefit programs, as other persons no so affected but similar in their ability or inability to work.' The PDA does not require redress for past discrimination. It does not oblige employers to make women who for the compensation denied them when, prior to the Act, they were placed on pregnancy leave, often while still ready, willing and able to work, and with no secure right to return to their jobs after childbirth. But the PDA does protect women, from and after April 1979, when the Act became fully effective, against repetition or continuation of pregnancy-based disadvantageous treatment."

  • May 16, 2009

    In lieu of judging potential Supreme Court nominee Judge Sonia Sotomayor by her work, many observers have extolled and criticized her primarily through the lense of hearsay. Now, an analysis of Judge Sotomayor's extensive written work is available thanks to SCOTUSblog's Tom Goldstein (below), moderator of the Keeping Faith with the Constitution plenary panel at the 2009 ACS National Convention. 

    "Judge Sonia Sotomayor is an obviously serious candidate to serve on the Supreme Court," Goldstein writes. "We have been struck by how the amount of commentary about Judge Sotomayor has ignored the most accessible and valuable source of information: her opinions as an appellate judge."

    Goldstein proceeded: 

    Since joining the Second Circuit in 1998, Sotomayor has authored over 150 opinions, addressing a wide range of issues, in civil cases. To date, two of these decisions have been overturned by the Supreme Court; a third is under review and likely to be reversed. In those two cases (and likely the third), Sotomayor's opinion was rejected by the Supreme Court's more conservative majority and adopted by its more liberal dissenters (including Justice Souter). Those outcomes suggest that Sotomayor's views would in many respects be similar to those of Justice Souter. 

  • May 15, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Michael Foote, a prosecutor in Colorado and a Principal of the Truman National Security Project

    When the United States government uses the rule of law, it wins.

    The Department of Justice faced no shortage of criticism when prosecuting seven Miami-area residents who pledged allegiance to al Qaeda and plotted to blow up the Sears Tower in Chicago and FBI buildings around the country. Critics claimed it cost too much, or the defendants were not really serious about committing terrorist acts. Some even thought the accused were merely amateurs not worthy of government attention. After three trials and two defendant acquittals, even the critics have to acknowledge that five of the plotters are now convicted of providing support to a terrorist group.

    For those of us who advocate the use of criminal prosecutions against terrorists, the Liberty Six convictions should be celebrated, not derided. The government used a civilian court to convict five individuals who wanted to join al Qaeda. It was the latest in a long line of successful preventive prosecutions against those who plot harm against the United States.

  • May 15, 2009

    Prof. Heather Gerken, a regular ACS contributor, notes: [links in original]

    I was delighted to see that an idea proposed by Ben Sachs, an assistant professor at Harvard, has made its way to the Hill. In mid-April, Sachs proposed a smart compromise for those arguing about the Employee Free Choice Act, one that left space for unions to organize without employer harassment (something unions want) while preventing unions from placing undue pressure on employees (something employers want). That proposal is now building up momentum on the Hill, according to the New York Times

    Prof. Benjamin Sachs, who will be speaking at the 2009 ACS National Convention, laid out his policy proposal for labor law reform last month in Slate

    To address the labor-business impasse, I suggest two alternatives to card check and for changing the Employee Free Choice Act. Both ensure that employees would get to choose confidentially whether they want a union, eliminating the possibility for coercion that worries business groups. At the same time, employees could organize without much of the employer interference that troubles labor. 

    ...